Some may say that the word “independence” runs counter to our transatlantic bond.

The opposite is true, and we have just heard it from Secretary of State Rubio.

An independent Europe is a strong Europe and a strong Europe makes for a stronger transatlantic alliance.

The time has come to bring Europe’s mutual defense clause to life.

Mutual defense is not an optional task for the European Union; it is an obligation under our own treaty—Article 42.7—and for good reason.

It is our collective commitment to stand by each other in the event of aggression—simply put, one for all and all for one.

Ten years from Brexit, our futures are as bound as ever, dear Keir.

In essence, each and every one of our policies needs a clear security dimension in this "new world order."

As they say in Ukraine: you change or you die.

We must adopt this mantra as well.

We have all agreed to spend more. Now we need to get the money out the door and turn it into real defense capabilities.

Some ask whether we can afford this. I say we cannot afford not to.

It is true that Russia has made a huge strategic blunder in Ukraine, and that Russian casualties number well over a million.

But even as the war continues, Russia is rearming and reconstituting its armed forces and industrial base.

Even in the event of a peace deal in Ukraine—which we are all working hard to achieve—Russia’s rearmament would likely only accelerate. The wider danger to Europe would not end there; it would increase.

So we must respond to this threat in full.

We must build our hard power, because that is the currency of our age.

We must be able to deter aggression, and, yes, if necessary, we must be ready to fight, to do whatever it takes to protect our people, our values, and our way of life.

We are no longer the Britain of the Brexit years...

There is no British security without Europe, and no European security without Britain.

That is the lesson of history, and it remains today’s reality.

The U.S. remains an indispensable ally. Its contribution to European security over the past 80 years is unparalleled—and so is our gratitude.

At the same time, we recognize that things are changing.

The U.S. national security strategy makes clear that Europe must take primary responsibility for its own defense. That is the new normal.

Rather than pretending that we can simply replace all U.S. capabilities, we should focus on diversifying and reducing certain dependencies.

We should deliver generational investments, moving from overdependence to interdependence.

I say to all NATO members, our commitment to Article 5 is as profound now as ever.

And be in no doubt, if called on, the UK would come to your aid today.

Europe is a sleeping giant. Our economies dwarf Russia’s—by more than ten times over. We have enormous defense capabilities. Yet too often, this adds up to less than the sum of its parts.

Europe has more than 20 types of frigates and around 10 types of fighter jets. We have over 10 types of main battle tanks. Meanwhile, the U.S. has one.

It is wildly inefficient.

Today, I can announce that the UK will deploy our Carrier Strike Group to the North Atlantic and the High North this year, led by HMS Prince of Wales.

It will operate alongside the United States, Canada, and other NATO allies, in a powerful demonstration of our commitment to Euro-Atlantic security.

We are enhancing our nuclear cooperation with France.

For decades, the United Kingdom has been the only nuclear power in Europe to commit its deterrent to the protection of all NATO members.

But now, any adversary must know that in a crisis they could be confronted by our combined strength.

Deeper economic integration is in all our interests.

So we must consider where we could move closer to the single market in other sectors as well, where that would work for both sides.