Jail Journal, John Mitchel. 1854

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By terrible signs and wonders it shall be made known that comfort is not the chief end of man. I do affirm, I – that capital is not the ruler of the world – that the Almighty has no pecuniary interest in the stability of the funds or the European balance of power – finally, that no engineering, civil or military, can raise man above the heavens or shake the throne of God.

The Murder Machine, Pádraig Pearse. Feabhra 1913

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Irish should be made the language of instruction in districts where it is the home language, and English the ‘second language', taught as a school subject: I would not at any stage use English as a medium of instruction in such districts, anything that I have elsewhere said as to Belgian practice notwithstanding. Where English is the home language it must of necessity be the ‘First Language’ in the schools. but I would have a compulsory ‘second language,' satisfied that this ‘second language' in five-sixths of the schools would be Irish. And I would see that the ‘second language' be restored as a medium of instruction from the earliest stages. In this way, and in no other way that I can imagine, can Irish be restored as a vernacular to English-speaking Ireland.

My Fight For Irish Freedom, Dan Breen. 1924

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The majority of the people, carried away by British propaganda, hoped and prayed for victory [WW1] for Britain and her allies. The landed gentry, the well-to-do merchants and most of the 'strong' farmers supported the drives that were organised to provide comforts for British soldiers. We did our best to frustrate such activities.

Socialism and Nationalism, James Connolly. Eanáir 1897

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Now traditions may, and frequently do, provide materials for a glorious martyrdom, but can never be strong enough to ride the storm of a successful revolution. If the national movement of our day is not merely to re-enact the old sad tragedies of our past history, it must show itself capable of rising to the exigencies of the moment. It must demonstrate to the people of Ireland that our nationalism is not merely a morbid idealising of the past, but is also capable of formulating a distinct and definite answer to the problems of the present and a political and economic creed capable of adjustment to the wants of the future.

Distinctive Culture, Michael Collins. Lúnasa 1922

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Our army, if it exists for honourable purposes only, will draw to it honourable men. It will call to it the best men of our race – men of skill and culture. It will not be recruited as so many modern armies are, from those who are industrially useless. This will certainly be so, for our army will only exist for the defence of our liberties, and of our people in the exercise of their liberties. An Irish army can never be used for the ignoble purpose of invasion, subjugation, and exploitation. But it is not only upon our army that our security will depend. It will depend more upon the extent to which we make ourselves invulnerable by having a civilization which is indestructible.

Principles of Freedom, Terence MacSwiney

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We know that priests will get more patronage if they discourage the National Idea; that professors will get more ambulance and honors if they can ban it; that public men will receive places and titles if they betray it; that the professional man will be promised more aggrandisement, the businessman more commerce and the tradesman more traffic of his kind - if only he put by the flag.

Jail Journal, John Mitchel. 1854

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These statesmanlike politicians say to us that we should wait till we are stronger; that we should conspire and organise in secret, keeping under the shelter of the law for the present; that when plainly advising men to arm is made a “transportable offence,” we should no longer plainly advise, but exhort and influence them privately, until, etc., etc. Wait till your principles take root before you disseminate them, said a prudent adviser to me. But he who talks thus knows nothing of Ireland.
In Ireland there can be no secrecy, so thick is it planted with Castle-spies. In Ireland you can never organise to any useful purpose so long as they are so miserably cowed by “law,” and see nobody willing to deny and defy this law.

Robert Emmet & The Ireland Of Today, Pádraig Pearse. 2ú Marta 1914

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Dowered with all things splendid and sweet, he [Robert Emmet] left all things and elected to die. Face to face with England in the dock at Green Street he uttered the most memorable words ever uttered by an Irish man: words which, ringing clear above a century's tumults, forbid us ever to waver or grow weary until our country takes her place among the nations of the earth.

The understanding here is not to force our views on others, but we must keep our principles clear in mind that no hostile view be forced on us.

Principles of Freedom, Terence MacSwiney

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We must openly glorify arms, until young Irishmen burn to handle them, and try their temper; and this we must do in defiance of “law,” and the more diligently that London laws are expressly made against it. We must, in short, make final protest against this same “law” — deny that it is law; deny that there is any power in the London Parliament to make laws for us, and declare that as a just God ruleth in the earth we will obey such laws no longer. I think there will be found some virtue in this statesmanship of mine, if men still grow in Ireland; at any rate I know no better.

Jail Journal, John Mitchel. 1854

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But in all the details of their programmes the schools should have autonomy. The
function of the central authority should be to coordinate. to maintain a standard, to
advise, to inspire, to keep the teachers in touch with educational thought in other
lands. I would transfer the centre of gravity at the system from the education office to
the teachers, the teachers in fact would be the system. Teachers, and not clerks,
would henceforth conduct the education of the country.

The Murder Machine, Pádraig Pearse. Feabhra 1913

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We went to Limerick on Whit Sunday, 23 May 1915, to take part in a big parade of Irish Volunteers organised by the Dublin Brigade. Pádraig Pearse was Present. Special trains had brought about 600 men from Dublin, and there were contingents from many other places, including 250 from Cork. We marched at the rear of the Tipperary column and we were sorely tempted to open fire on the hostile crowd that pelted us with garbage as we paraded through the streets.

My Fight For Irish Freedom, Dan Breen. 1924

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To save our struggling farmers from the merciless bleeding of our banking system and money-lenders in general, let our representatives in parliament force forward the legislative abolition of our present banking houses and the suppression of all forms of interest mongering, and the establishment in their stead of state banking institutions, with popularly elected boards of directors, issuing loans at rates of interest as low as is consistent with economic soundness.

Erin's Hope, James Connolly. 1897

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When we find the national idea touches life at every point, we begin to realise how frequent the call is to defend it without warning.

Principles of Freedom, Terence MacSwiney

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It is supposed to be “popularising” science when a compiler gathers a parcel of results in some department of knowledge, and sets them forth in familiar style, never troubling himself or readers — indeed, knowing nothing — about the processes whereby those results are got; and so your reader of popular literature learns to babble about the profundity of modern science — you must know it is all modern — and to bestow his enlightened pity on ancient people generally, but above all, on the poor alchemists and astrologers.

Jail Journal, John Mitchel. 1854

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Be assured that such a death always means a redemption. Emmet redeemed Ireland from acquiescence in the Union. His attempt was not a failure, but a triumph for that deathless thing we call Irish Nationality. It was by Emmet that men remembered Ireland until Davis and Mitchel took up his work again, and '48 handed on the tradition to '67, and from '67 we receive the tradition unbroken.

Robert Emmet & The Ireland Of Today, Pádraig Pearse. 2ú Marta 1914

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[Seán] Treacy remarked to me that we had had enough of being pushed around and getting our men imprisoned while we remained inacitve. It was high time that we did a bit of the pushing.
[...]
This action of ours would proclaim to the world that there still lived Irishmen who had made up their minds not to allow free passage to an armed enemy.

My Fight For Irish Freedom, Dan Breen. 1924

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England would still rule you. She would rule you through her capitalists, through her landlords, through her financiers, through the whole array of commercial and individualist institutions she has planted in this country and watered with the tears of our mothers and the blood of our martyrs.

Socialism and Nationalism, James Connolly. Eanáir 1897

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You do not know where the circumstances of life will take you; your flag may be directly challenged to your face, and you must reveal yourself. These are things to avoid. Be firm, rather than aggressive; but be always quietly prepared for the aggressive man; that is to inspire confidence in the timid.

Principles of Freedom, Terence MacSwiney

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I honour their [the other prisoners] cursing, and venerate their black looks, trusting that their wrath will fructify into an intelligent and wholesome hatred of those damnable “institutions” which make so much of gentlemanhood and so little of manhood.

Jail Journal, John Mitchel. 1854

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