2da085-da80-4e72-adf1-c551c2999a12_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line Start With What Is Documented

On May 18, 2009, Lebanon transmitted a letter to the United Nations describing alleged Israeli espionage operations on Lebanese territory. The document identified Ali Dib El-Jarrah and Youssef Dib El-Jarrah among those arrested. Lebanon alleged that the men confessed to spying for Israel, including identifying coordinates of sensitive Lebanese positions. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!D8DD!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F205419eb-4e8a-435d-947e-86b7b8ef78a1_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line Contemporary reporting described Ali’s alleged work as photographing military positions, facilities, and supply routes; communicating with handlers; and receiving money and equipment. Reporting also identified him as a cousin of Ziad Jarrah while cautioning that the two men were approximately twenty years apart and did not appear to have known each other well.

That caution belongs in the story.

So does the family connection. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3RCn!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2a18a424-6ce1-4746-9555-073a8c509898_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line Here is the evidentiary line I will not cross without documents: I have not found a public record proving that Ali financed Egyptian Islamic Jihad, helped create it, recruited Ziad, handled Ziad, or passed information about the 9/11 plot to Israeli intelligence.

Those claims would require bank records, handler reports, communications intercepts, interrogation transcripts, or credible witness testimony. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!80C2!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5928425e-111d-476b-94f3-4f57da029a3b_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line The public record does establish something narrower but still remarkable: Lebanese authorities alleged that an Israeli intelligence asset had existed inside the extended family of a central 9/11 operative for almost two decades before the attacks.

That is not a conclusion.

It is a very good lead.

And good investigations begin by refusing to throw away leads simply because they complicate the official story.

Before Al-Qaeda, Follow EIJ <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Wl71!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb917a47d-d343-416c-ad61-d1da4cd2cbb1_1320x1535.jpeg

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line The familiar 9/11 narrative focuses on Osama bin Laden. His face became the face of the attack. His organization became the name attached to the attack.

But Egyptian Islamic Jihad had its own history, its own leadership, its own operational experience, and its own relationships with intelligence services across the Middle East. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!49Gk!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F450851f8-250f-44e0-98dd-6ef002a67638_1320x2189.jpeg

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line Egyptian militant factions formed during the late 1970s. Members of that broader radical environment participated in the 1981 assassination of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat. Ayman al-Zawahiri eventually became Egyptian Islamic Jihad’s best-known leader. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!_zfH!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsu[...]

bstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2dcbf2a8-8fd7-4803-a49e-97965c0c0619_1320x1313.jpeg

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line EIJ did not suddenly materialize in the summer of 2001. Its members had been organizing, traveling, fundraising, recruiting, and conducting operations for years. EIJ veterans brought experience in clandestine organization, security, assassination planning, forged documentation, and international movement.

The United Nations and the United States Treasury describe EIJ as an organization that merged with al-Qaeda in 2001. But EIJ personnel had worked with bin Laden’s network well before that formal merger. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!X6mY!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F02f03c80-d1ee-4519-9a61-f14db1a8c73d_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line That raises a different question from the one normally asked:

Was EIJ merely absorbed by bin Laden—or did EIJ provide much of the operational brain that the public later learned to call al-Qaeda?

The merger occurred only months before September 11. That timing matters. But it does not mean bin Laden arrived only three months before the attacks.

According to the 9/11 Commission, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed proposed an aircraft operation to bin Laden by approximately 1996, and bin Laden approved the operation in late 1998 or early 1999. The Hamburg pilots entered the developing plot well before the formal EIJ–al-Qaeda merger. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!MZpJ!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1735f02d-62f8-4021-b3d6-8cf10e3f0106_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line The more precise—and potentially more revealing—hypothesis is this:

The al-Qaeda label was finalized shortly before 9/11, allowing the public history to emphasize bin Laden while paying far less attention to the older Egyptian operational network surrounding Zawahiri.

That is the thread I want to pull. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!sL1T!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F84d1e15f-fad0-4376-99b5-cc07d6fe1d87_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line Who Had Penetrated Egyptian Islamic Jihad?

Intelligence services do not ordinarily ignore an organization committed to assassinating presidents, overthrowing governments, and attacking embassies.

They recruit inside it.

They map its families.

They trace its money.

They watch its travel.

They compromise its communications.

The question is not whether EIJ attracted intelligence attention. The question is how deeply it had been penetrated—and what those intelligence services did with the information they collected. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Ql3Q!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F73753323-5152-456c-9c2a-92e5ed20ccd6_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line My working hypothesis is that Israeli and other regional intelligence services attempted to penetrate Egyptian radical organizations early in their development. What remains unproved is whether any penetration went beyond passive collection into financing, protection, manipulation, or provocation.

That distinction is critical.

An informant inside a dangerous organization may help prevent an attack. But a protected network can also be permitted to continue because it provides intelligence, leverage, or geopolitical utility. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!AJzU!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%[...]

3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc4b368d3-61c9-4be6-91fc-e8d119bb6092_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line So I want the names.

Who were the intelligence sources inside EIJ?

When were they recruited?

Who paid them?

Which financial organizations moved their money?

Which communications channels were monitored?

Did Israeli intelligence maintain files on the extended Jarrah family? <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!nb-t!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc3b91cb6-f078-4197-b40d-ab8e95f19f50_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line Did Ali al-Jarrah ever mention Ziad’s studies in Germany, his repeated trips to Lebanon, or his flight training in the United States?

Those are questions.

They are not accusations.

But they are exactly the questions an intelligence investigation should ask.

In Cracking 9/11 — Part One: Follow the Comms, I argued that encrypted communications provide a better investigative trail than another round of speculation about collapsing buildings. In George Webb’s Awan Minutes to Midnight — Part One, I followed that communications trail into the years immediately preceding 9/11.

The devices change.

The server names change.

The cutouts change.

But the investigative method does not change.

Follow the comms.

Follow the travel.

Follow the money. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!8Ko3!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0fd5bd13-ed13-4f29-95f3-d013fddb354d_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line From Emergency Support to Permanent Influence

There is another twenty-five-year transformation that deserves examination.

American Jewish organizations raised private support for Israel long before 1975, including during periods of war and national emergency. Over time, American support for Israel became more permanently institutionalized through congressional appropriations, lobbying, military assistance, intelligence cooperation, and joint defense programs. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!rBJz!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4d4ff15b-b9dc-4488-b2da-a2bd4d647144_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line AIPAC had existed since the 1950s and became increasingly influential after the 1973 Arab-Israeli War. It is important to be precise: during the period examined here, AIPAC was principally a lobbying organization. It did not establish its own federal political action committee until 2021, although politically active pro-Israel donors and separate PACs had operated for decades. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!NscD!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F897c20b0-e555-4c68-8b34-f83f36214e80_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line My reporting question is not whether Americans were legally permitted to support Israel. Of course they were.

The question is whether the middle 1970s marked a transition from episodic private fundraising toward a durable system of congressional influence, military assistance, joint programs, classified cooperation, and spending that became increasingly difficult for the public to trace. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!wCRf!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7df45471-1f34-40e6-a6e5-9a530162110c_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line That is a document questio[...]

n.

It requires appropriations records.

It requires presidential directives.

It requires defense agreements.

It requires declassified intelligence files.

And it requires something that Washington has resisted for decades:

An auditable ledger. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!yzrI!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe21bd966-d36e-4578-a9ab-57b88d1e2000_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line The Rumsfeld Bookends

Donald Rumsfeld first became secretary of defense on November 20, 1975, under President Gerald Ford. He served until January 20, 1977.

Nearly twenty-four years later, Rumsfeld returned to the Pentagon under President George W. Bush. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!GDVy!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F230a0ce2-4196-4910-9604-84d83d9f3fc4_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line On September 10, 2001, Rumsfeld gave a major speech about the Pentagon bureaucracy and the Department of Defense’s antiquated financial systems. He said that, according to some estimates, the department could not track $2.3 trillion in transactions.

That statement has acquired a mythology of its own, so precision is necessary.

Rumsfeld did not announce that $2.3 trillion in cash had disappeared. He referred to accounting transactions that could not be reliably tracked or supported through the Pentagon’s fragmented, outdated, and incompatible financial systems. The underlying accounting problem had been publicly reported before September 10. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1lgE!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fce46d4b4-ab35-415b-85a1-d3967dce85ea_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line But correcting the exaggeration does not make the real problem disappear.

A defense department unable to produce a reliable audit trail creates an ideal environment for waste, fraud, misclassification, concealed transfers, and programs shielded from meaningful oversight.

That environment deserves investigation.

It is not proof that untraceable transactions went to Israel, EIJ, or any other specific recipient. But it tells us why tracing covert relationships through official ledgers can become extraordinarily difficult.

I have repeatedly returned to the systems beneath the public narrative. Some News Is Just Too Big explains why today’s investigation so often leads back to work begun twenty years earlier. The George Webb Investigates Case File provides the broader roadmap connecting my investigations into 9/11, intelligence networks, encrypted communications, biological programs, and political influence. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zSUA!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0f262bf3-afbe-4776-8181-43eb0613ee53_1536x1024.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line The signal is rarely located in one sensational number.

It is found in the system that made the number impossible to explain.

Who Was Killed in the Pentagon?

American Airlines Flight 77 struck the western side of the Pentagon on September 11. The attack killed military personnel, civilian employees, contractors, budget analysts, and financial-management personnel. It destroyed offices, records, computers, and human lives.

This has generated a persistent claim that the plane killed the precise auditors responsible for discovering the $2.3 trillion accounting problem.

That claim should not be repeated as fact without individual names, job assignments, office locations, and project records. <pictureh[...]

ttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!H0RE!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7e474682-fe72-490d-b797-dd49c3138a3a_1536x1024.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line The Pentagon strike killed people working in budget and financial offices. That is documented.

But did it eliminate the specific audit team responsible for the $2.3 trillion finding?

I have not yet found a personnel roster and project-assignment record that proves it.

That does not end the investigation.

It defines the next document request.

Who was working on which reconciliation project?

The Pentagon strike killed people working in budget and financial offices. That is documented.

But did it eliminate the specific audit team responsible for the $2.3 trillion finding?

I have not yet found a personnel roster and project-assignment record that proves it.

That does not end the investigation.

It defines the next document request.

Who was working on which reconciliation project?

Where were the duplicate records stored?

Which databases survived?

Which contracts and transactions were being examined?

Which investigations continued after the attack, and which quietly disappeared?

The incredible coincidence of the 9/11 hijacker hitting the office of the Pentagon auditors is uncanny, and that’s where shoe-leather reporting begins.
Flight 93, Windber, and the Wider Investigation

The Jarrah question does not exist in isolation from the geography surrounding Flight 93.

In Where Was Robert Malone on 9/11?, I examined the Windber Research Institute and the people reportedly meeting there on the morning of September 11. In Cracking 9/11 — Part Six: Ten Questions for Bob Malone, I laid out the questions concerning Windber, the Flight 93 crash site, and the anthrax attacks that followed. Hone Malone — Getting the HIV Band Back Together Again followed those personnel relationships further. These articles present my prior reporting and hypotheses; they are not substitutes for original records. Their value is that they preserve the investigative map—the names, places, timelines, and unanswered questions that can be tested against documents.

That same method applies to Ali and Ziad Jarrah.

Do not begin with the conclusion.

Begin with the record.

Then build the timeline.

Then ask who knew whom.

The Larger Intelligence Architecture

My 9/11 reporting repeatedly intersects with older intelligence, financial, and technology networks.

In Epstein’s Connections With Ehud Barak Reach Back to Iran-Contra and 9/11, I followed encrypted communications and financial relationships across those eras. Who Shot the Sheriff? examined the Israeli “art student” story and the intelligence environment surrounding American law enforcement before 9/11. Ehud Barak, Les Wexner, and Jeff Epstein Were Godfathers of Palantir explored the overlap among private money, intelligence relationships, data systems, and surveillance. CIA-Sponsored Dr. Soon-Shiong Hides John Brennan returned to the Flight 93 and Windber questions through another set of institutional relationships.

Finally, Chasing the Signal — The Final Chapter explains why I have spent twenty-five years following these overlapping trails.

None of those connections should be treated as proof merely because two names appear on the same map.

But intelligence investigations are built by mapping recurring people, companies, communications systems, money routes, and government programs—then obtaining the documents that show whether the connections are operational, incidental, or imaginary.

That is what The Last Jarrah is trying to do.

My Working Hypothesis

Here is the hypothesis I want to test.

EIJ was penetrated by regional and Western intelligence services long before September 11. Its experienced personnel played a larger operational role in the development of al-Qaeda than the simpli[...]

fied “bin Laden did it” narrative suggests. The formal 2001 merger then collapsed several older organizational and intelligence trails into one public name: al-Qaeda.

A second hypothesis concerns the money. The Pentagon’s unauditable financial systems could conceal classified transfers, joint programs, and covert expenditures from effective public oversight.

But an unauditable system is not proof of a particular covert transfer.

Ali al-Jarrah’s reported Israeli intelligence relationship is not proof that he financed EIJ.

The EIJ–al-Qaeda merger is not proof that bin Laden was merely a late-arriving cover figure.

The Pentagon impact is not proof that auditors were deliberately targeted.

These are hypotheses to investigate—not conclusions to assume.

That distinction matters because a strong investigation should survive contact with the documents.

Show Me the Documents

Here is what should be obtained next:

1. Ali al-Jarrah’s Lebanese interrogation, prosecution, and trial records.

2. Payment records, dead-drop evidence, travel records, and seized communications equipment associated with Ali and Youssef al-Jarrah.

3. Israeli records concerning Ali, Youssef, Ziad, and the extended Jarrah family.

4. Ziad Jarrah’s complete travel and communications history in Lebanon, Germany, and the United States.

5. Intelligence reporting on Egyptian Islamic Jihad from 1979 through 2001.

6. Records identifying intelligence sources operating inside EIJ.

7. Financial records connecting named intermediaries and organizations to EIJ.

8. Documents memorializing the 2001 EIJ–al-Qaeda merger.

9. Pentagon accounting reports and transaction-level data underlying the $2.3 trillion estimate.

10. The names, offices, and project assignments of Pentagon financial personnel killed on September 11.

11. Records identifying which Pentagon financial databases and physical files were destroyed, duplicated, or reconstructed.

12. Lawfully declassified U.S.–Israel defense agreements, transfers, and joint programs from 1975 through 2001.

Show me.

Show me the bank transfer.

Show me the handler report.

Show me the travel manifest.

Show me the audit assignment.

Show me the communications intercept.

That is how a working hypothesis becomes a documented case—or is disproved by the evidence.

The Twenty-Five-Year Window

Twenty-five years is the number that connects this investigation.

Approximately twenty-five years from Rumsfeld’s first arrival at the Pentagon to his return in 2001.

Approximately twenty-five years in which Ali al-Jarrah was alleged to have worked for Israeli intelligence.

And twenty-five years since the public was told that one organization, under one famous Saudi name, explained September 11.

The available documents do not yet prove that Ali financed EIJ.

They do not prove that Mossad created EIJ.

They do not prove that Pentagon accounting problems concealed transfers to Israel.

And they do not prove that Flight 77 deliberately targeted the auditors.

But they tell us where to look.

Follow the Jarrahs.

Follow EIJ before the merger.

Follow the intelligence penetrations.

Follow the transactions—not merely the talking points.

The purpose of Part Two is not to declare the case closed.

It is to identify the records that could finally open it.

Primary and Background Sources

● The 9/11 Commission Report — official chronology of the plot, the Hamburg contingent, Ziad Jarrah, and Flight 93.

● United Nations Security Council: Egyptian Islamic Jihad — U.N. sanctions summary for EIJ.

● U.S. Treasury: Treasury Designates Seven Al-Qaida Associates — describes EIJ as having merged with al-Qaeda in 2001.

● Department of Defense Key Officials, 1947–2012 — official chronology of Rumsfeld’s first tenure as secretary of defense.

● Congressional hearing quoting Rumsfeld’s $2.3 trillion statement — government record of the accounting language.

● House hearing on Pentagon financial [...]

management — background on longstanding Pentagon accounting failures.

● Contemporary overview of the Lebanese espionage cases — reporting on Ali al-Jarrah and the Lebanese allegations.

● Reuters examination of the $2.3 trillion claim — distinguishes untraceable accounting transactions from missing cash.

● AIPAC: About — AIPAC’s description of its organization, funding, and mission.

● Federal Election Commission: AIPAC PAC — federal registration and filings for AIPAC’s political action committee.

George Webb Reporting Archive — 12 Related Articles

1. The Last Jarrah

2. Cracking 9/11 — Part One: Follow the Comms

3. George Webb’s Awan Minutes to Midnight — Part One

4. Some News Is Just Too Big

5. The George Webb Investigates Case File

6. Cracking 9/11 — Part Six: Ten Questions for Bob Malone

7. Where Was Robert Malone on 9/11?

8. Hone Malone — Getting the HIV Band Back Together Again

9. Epstein’s Connections With Ehud Barak Reach Back to Iran-Contra and 9/11

10. Who Shot the Sheriff?

11. Ehud Barak, Les Wexner, and Jeff Epstein Were Godfathers of Palantir

12. Chasing the Signal — The Final Chapter

George Webb’s Intelligence Network is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support twenty-five years of independent investigative reporting, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.

George’ Webb Task Force Orange Journal
We Still Have Great Leads in the Fauci Investigation

<picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3sIk!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9d53fcc7-0ae0-4fa0-82b4-00e5a22c0da1_1536x1024.png <svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line We Still Have Great Leads in the Fauci Investigation Six years after the first COVID questions, the investigation is not running out of road. It is becoming a document hunt.

By George Webb
The message in the video above is simple: We still have great leads in the Fauci investigation.

That doesn’t mean I have proved every theory I have investigated concerning Anthony Fauci, COVID-19, gain-of-function research, biodefense programs, or the vaccine-development pipeline.

It means something much more useful to an investigative reporter. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!6PMQ!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F99250450-5374-4ce5-9f5d-44308f7a98ef_1536x1024.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line There are still leads that can be tested. Documents that can be requested. People who can be interviewed. Contracts that can be traced. Laboratories that can be visited. Timelines that can be reconstructed.

And that has been the organizing principle of this investigation from the beginning.

My reporting has never depended upon one document suddenly appearing with “the answer” printed across the top.

It has been a six-year attempt to reconstruct a system. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!U4O3!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F51d3d1f4-1cb3-4481-a4f2-3a95c7ee159a_1536x1024.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line The Investigation Didn’t Begin With Fauci

Long before Fauci and Me, I was asking a broader question: how did the American biodefense establishment evolve into the enormous network of military laboratories, public-health agencies, universities, pharmaceutical companies and private contractors that existed when COVID arrived?

That is the road mapped in my George Webb Investigates Case File⁠.

It is also why my reporting repeatedly returns to geography.

Fort Detrick. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!p_fU!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4572c2ed-3840-4e87-8306-fcfe2cebbe27_1204x652.jpeg

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line Fort Belvoir. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!P47c!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa4a37d52-3c87-4a05-8fe5-e1bb597195ff_1174x668.jpeg

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line UNC. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!9kqy!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1a165c51-8ae1-45eb-ad01-5d9b9d156078_1190x659.jpeg

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line UTMB. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1qig!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8ce9cc4a-2730-483e-ad53-7b8837c1b22f_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line Erasmus Medical Center. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Uzjh!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-med[...]

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<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line Wuhan.

DARPA programs. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!lmcG!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F42ca2304-33e5-4bd8-a016-419c3cce177f_1012x775.jpeg

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line NIH funding. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!fErF!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff71b987f-8d9d-4372-aaf0-4cd15df718bc_792x990.jpeg

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line Private biotechnology companies. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!RQeq!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb730bcf7-5411-4a1a-823b-8ae5e2eed13e_540x360.jpeg

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line Instead of beginning with a conclusion and looking for facts to support it, the better method is to reconstruct the network and ask which connections can actually be demonstrated.

That approach is laid out explicitly in my Start Here: Roadmap To Deep State Takedown⁠, where biodefense and pandemic networks form one of the principal investigative tracks. From the “Live Exercise” to the Paper Trail

One of the earliest organizing ideas in my COVID reporting was what I called the Coronavirus Military Live Exercise.

My Real Corona Live Exercise — Part One: Return To Patient Zero⁠ lays out that investigative theory.
The distinction between a theory and evidence remains important.

Calling something a “live exercise” does not establish who caused the pandemic. Neither does identifying a military program, a grant, a laboratory collaboration or a suspicious chronology.

Each connection has to be demonstrated independently.

That is exactly why the investigation remains alive. Fort Detrick, Fort Belvoir, UNC, UTMB and Erasmus

By July 2026, I tried to pull six years of field reporting into a single narrative.

Fauci’s Ouchies Brought To You By Citizen Journalists⁠ describes trips by citizen journalists to Fort Detrick, Fort Belvoir, Erasmus, UNC, UTMB and other locations that became part of our investigation.

That matters because investigations become much more interesting when they move beyond personalities.

Fauci is one person.

The biodefense establishment is a system.

The questions therefore become:

Who funded the research? Who administered the grants? Which laboratories performed which experiments? Which military programs overlapped with civilian research? Which intellectual property existed before the pandemic? Which companies obtained licenses? And which decisions can be reconstructed from contemporaneous documents?

Those are answerable questions. The BioAgent Odyssey

That approach became what I called the BioAgent Odyssey.

The July 2026 Book Introduction — BioAgent Odyssey, Fauci Coverup Docs Confirm All and the subsequent Full Book — BioAgent Odyssey are both indexed in my Substack archive⁠.
The archive is important because it preserves the evolution of the investigation rather than pretending that every hypothesis emerged fully formed.

Good investigations change when the evidence changes.

Some leads become stronger.

Some become weaker.

Some die.

And occasionally a document that seemed meaningless three years earlier becomes important because a second document finally supplies the missing context. Then Came Fauci and Me

In August I reorganized the investigation around a much longer chronology.

New George Webb Book — Fauci And Me⁠ introduced the idea of following two parallel paths across roughly four decades: Fauci’s [...]

scientific and government career on one side and my own developing investigation of biological programs on the other.

The point wasn’t merely autobiographical.

It was chronological.

What existed before COVID?

That question remains one of the most productive questions in the entire investigation. Go Back Before 2020

The next piece, Fauci And Me — A Technical Preface⁠, reaches much further back, into HIV/AIDS-era questions and South Africa’s documented Project Coast biological and chemical warfare program.

That article is particularly useful because it contains an important methodological qualification: the chronology matters, and later evidence should not simply be projected backward onto earlier events.

That same discipline needs to be applied to COVID.

Finding a pre-2020 coronavirus program is significant.

It isn’t automatically proof that the program produced SARS-CoV-2.

Finding pre-pandemic mRNA research is significant.

It isn’t automatically proof of a predetermined vaccine rollout. The investigative work occurs in the space between those two statements. The Convenient Emergence

The next installment was Fauci And Me — Chapter One: The Convenient Emergence, which remains indexed alongside the rest of the series on my Substack homepage and archive⁠.

Then came Chapter Two — The First Envelope And The First Spike and Fauci And Me — Chapter Three: Murder On The GP120 Express, also preserved in that archive.

Together, those pieces broaden the chronology from coronavirus into the much longer history of biological research, vaccine development and government funding that I believe needs closer examination.

The claims in those articles should be tested against primary documents, not accepted merely because I wrote them.

That’s what an investigation is. Erasmus Was Already on the Map

And this didn’t begin in 2026.

Years earlier I was writing about Erasmus and its infectious-disease research.

My October 2023 article Erasmus Blood On The Floor Connects All The Deep State Mates⁠ revisited my earlier Erasmus reporting and points readers toward books and field reporting I had already produced concerning the Rotterdam laboratory.

Again, the existence of coronavirus or influenza research at a laboratory doesn’t prove responsibility for COVID.

But it absolutely can make the laboratory’s grants, collaborations, experiments, personnel movements and funding history legitimate subjects for investigation. Then We Found the Earlier Papers

That brings us to the material I recently revisited in Operation Lockstep Part Two — The White Paper⁠.

The story centers on our citizen-research group examining a 2018 paper and trying to reconstruct the relationships among earlier biodefense programs, coronavirus research, DARPA technology, universities and government funding.

One line in that article probably summarizes the methodology better than anything else: No leaps. No assumptions.

Every connection gets a source.

Anything we cannot prove gets labeled a question.

That should be the standard for this entire investigation. And Then There Is the Vaccine Question

More recently I turned to another branch of the chronology: where the vaccine technology actually came from.

National Resilience — Where The Vaccines Really Came From⁠ presents my investigative thesis concerning the prehistory of the mRNA vaccine-development infrastructure.

That thesis needs to be tested company by company, contract by contract, patent by patent and program by program.

“Pfizer vaccine” and “Moderna vaccine” are convenient shorthand.

An investigator asks a different set of questions.

Who developed each technology?

Who funded it?

Who owned the intellectual property?

Who licensed it?

Who performed manufacturing?

Who financed manufacturing capacity?

What government contracts preceded 2020?

And what changed after the emergency began?

Those q[...]

uestions can produce documents. Why Restoring the Archive Matters

That brings me to perhaps the most important article in this whole sequence:

Restore The Archive — Fauci Criminal Evidence Is Needed⁠.

Whatever one thinks of my conclusions, thousands of hours of field reporting constitute a historical research archive.

Interviews.

Laboratory visits.

Conferences.

Documents held up to cameras.

Conversations with sources.

Locations.

Dates.

Names.

Vehicles.

Flights.

Corporate relationships.

Research leads that appeared insignificant at the time.

An archive allows those claims to be checked.

Destroy the archive and you don’t merely erase my conclusions. You erase the ability of somebody else to challenge them.

That is why preservation matters. We Still Have Great Leads

So when I say in this video that we still have great leads in the Fauci investigation, I don’t mean we need another round of internet speculation.

I mean almost the opposite.

We have enough hypotheses.

Now we need records.

Grant applications.

Subcontracts.

Statements of work.

Patent assignments.

Material-transfer agreements.

Laboratory notebooks where obtainable.

Emails.

Meeting calendars.

Travel records.

Conference programs.

Procurement records.

Clinical-development agreements.

Corporate registrations.

Government audits.

Congressional exhibits.

And testimony that can be compared against contemporaneous documents.

That is where this investigation goes next.

My broader Chasing the Signal⁠ project explains the philosophy: the signal is usually buried underneath enormous amounts of noise.

The job isn’t to make the loudest allegation.

The job is to keep reducing the number of things that cannot be explained by the documents.

Six years later, I don’t think the Fauci investigation is exhausted.

I think we have finally accumulated enough history to ask better questions.

And better questions produce better document requests. We still have great leads. Now follow the documents.

George’ Webb Task Force Orange Journal
Why I Wrote “City Of London Hopscotch”

<picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!hxye!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F70e58e81-50b5-4256-85ef-ea85bbbf7a80_1826x874.png <svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line

Why I Wrote “City Of London Hopscotch”

For most of my childhood, Americans were taught to see the Cold War through the Domino Theory.

The argument was simple: if Vietnam fell to communism, the next country would fall, then the next, and then the next—like a row of dominoes. That theory became one of the principal arguments for America’s escalating involve…

Read more

George’ Webb Task Force Orange Journal
Why I Wrote “Hollywood Bus” - Yes, Manson’s

<picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3nku!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff4d30b47-3acd-4b4f-b398-55a5ceaa6826_1536x1024.png <svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line

Why I Wrote “Hollywood Bus”

Most people meet Charles Manson in 1969.

That is the Charles Manson of Helter Skelter: Spahn Ranch, the Tate-LaBianca murders, frightened Hollywood celebrities and a collection of young women transformed into killers.

But that isn’t where my Hollywood Bus story begins.

I wanted to back the film up two years and ask a different qu…

Read more

McDuffLivesTwo (Youtube)
SACSA part 10: "NSAM 124 and the Creation of SACSA" SEPT. 15, 2026


JFK Creates SACSA

George’ Webb Task Force Orange Journal
Why I Wrote the Only Charlie Kirk Tribute Song That Didn’t Become An Internet Parody

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Why I Wrote the Only Charlie Kirk Tribute Song That Didn’t Become Internet Parody

“1,000 Bells Toll” is a memorial to Charlie Kirk. But the thousand bells are also a thousand churches—and a question about what changed after Charlie was gone.

By George Webb

Listen to “1,000 Bells Toll” here⁠

Read more

George’ Webb Task Force Orange Journal Why I Wrote The Operation Lockdown Song

<picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!oCHD!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F857ba0d8-2610-48c4-820e-54c02e8d9d1b_1254x1254.png <svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line Why I Wrote “The White Paper on the Potomac” The Operation Lockdown Song A George Webb Music Explainer

A song should tell a story.
That sounds obvious, but I think we sometimes forget it.

A song shouldn’t just give you a slogan. It shouldn’t simply tell you what to think. The best story songs put you somewhere.

They give you a place.

A moment.

A handful of people.

Something happens.

And then the world looks different.

That is why I wrote “The White Paper on the Potomac.”

This is my Operation Lockdown song. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!dBdP!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2d3a2d04-e86d-4638-ae75-c606c5235e1e_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line And the place where the song begins is not Wuhan.

It isn’t Washington.

It isn’t Fort Detrick.

It isn’t a pharmaceutical company.

It is a beach house beside the Potomac River in March 2020. March came cold along the Potomac, Gray water underneath a gray sky, We were gathered in that old beach house, Watching one strange winter go by.

That scene matters because it captures what the investigation actually felt like at the beginning.

We weren’t sitting around six years later reconstructing what we wished we had thought in 2020.

We were there.

Computers were open.

Documents were spread across tables. <picturehttps://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!P5mp!,w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbd24f9f8-fa85-49ff-b0ce-1993cbc4621f_1672x941.png

<svg<g<path<svg<polyline<polyline<line<line Television reports were running constantly.

Citizen researchers were searching names, programs, grants, laboratories and scientific papers.

And one of those researchers found a paper.

That became the moment I wanted the song to preserve. “Come Look at This”

The pivotal lyric is deliberately small: Then somebody said, “Come look at this— I think I’ve seen these words before.”

That is how investigations often begin.

Not with a smoking gun.

Not with somebody walking into the room carrying a folder stamped TOP SECRET.

With somebody saying: Look at this.

In my reconstruction of those days, the document that caught our attention was associated with Sina Bavari, the longtime Fort Detrick/USAMRIID researcher whose career had already intersected with earlier biodefense programs.

I recently reconstructed that scene in Operation Lockstep Part Two — The White Paper.

I had also written years earlier about Bavari and Fort Detrick in Cracking 9/11 — Part Two — Anthrax to Sina Bavari.

The significance wasn’t that finding a paper proved somebody had planned COVID.

It didn’t.

The significance was that the paper gave us another piece of chronology to investigate.

That distinction became one of the central ideas behind the song: Was it prophecy or preparation? Was it planning, was it fear?

Those are questions.

And questions are where investigations begin. Operation Lockdown Became a BioAgent Odyssey

Once we began following those questions, the investigation stopped being about one laboratory or one scientist.

It became geographic. Fort Detrick. Fort Belvoir. University of North Carolina. [...]

University of Texas Medical Branch in Galveston. Erasmus Medical Center in Rotterdam. UPMC. Wuhan. DARPA programs. USAID PREDICT. NIH grants.

And dozens of other locations and programs.

That journey eventually became what I called my BioAgent Odyssey.

A useful starting point is Fauci’s Ouchies Brought To You By Citizen Journalists, where I pulled together our trips to Fort Detrick, Fort Belvoir, Erasmus, UNC, UTMB and other locations.

Another overview is We Still Have Great Leads in the Fauci Investigation.

And the broader map of the investigation is collected in Start Here: Roadmap To Deep State Takedown.

Those articles make an important point that I wanted the song to make emotionally: The investigation is bigger than any one personality.

Anthony Fauci is one person.

The biodefense establishment is a system. UNC — Follow the Research

One stop on that map was Chapel Hill.

Ralph Baric’s coronavirus laboratory at the University of North Carolina became an obvious place to investigate because of its documented history of coronavirus research and collaborations.

Our approach was not supposed to be: Baric worked on coronaviruses, therefore Baric caused COVID.

That would be a leap.

The investigative approach was:

What research was being performed?

Who funded it?

Who collaborated?

What viruses were exchanged?

What techniques were developed?

What grants existed?

What papers were published?

What happened before 2020?

That field-reporting philosophy is described in my George Webb Corona Road Show.

And it is exactly why the whiteboard scene in my Operation Lockstep reconstruction contains: UNC — WUHAN — UTMB — FORT DETRICK.

Those are not conclusions.

They are investigative waypoints. UTMB — Galveston

Then there was the University of Texas Medical Branch in Galveston.

UTMB became another major stop in our BioAgent Odyssey because of its high-containment laboratory infrastructure and international infectious-disease research.

I went there.

We filmed there.

We tried to reconstruct the research relationships rather than merely discussing them from behind a computer.

My reporting about the Texas laboratory trail appears in Finally, We Can Tell You Who Did It.

That article contains some of my strongest conclusions about the Texas laboratory chronology. Those conclusions remain claims that should be tested against primary records.

But the laboratory itself is real.

The programs are real.

The collaborations can be researched.

That is what makes a location worth visiting. Fort Detrick

Fort Detrick was unavoidable.

The history of American biological defense runs directly through it.

So our investigation went there as well.

Sina Bavari’s history at USAMRIID became one thread.

Laboratory safety became another.

Anthrax became another.

Ebola became another.

Coronavirus research became another.

The question wasn’t whether mentioning all those subjects together magically proved a conspiracy.

The question was whether the institutional continuity mattered.

That is the difference between storytelling and accusation.

A good investigation follows the continuity and then asks the reader to inspect the evidence.

My Bavari reporting is preserved in Cracking 9/11 — Part Two — Anthrax to Sina Bavari.

The broader Fort Detrick trail appears again in Fauci’s Ouchies Brought To You By Citizen Journalists. Fort Belvoir and the Vaccine Trail

Fort Belvoir became another waypoint in our investigation as we followed military vaccine research and the pre-2020 countermeasure infrastructure.

I became particularly interested in nanoparticle and ferritin-based vaccine research and in asking how military countermeasure programs intersected with the much larger vaccine-development ecosystem.

My Real Corona Live Exercise — Part One: Return To Patient [...]

Zero lays out that branch of my investigative theory, including my discussion of Fort Belvoir and nano-ferritin vaccine research.

Again, finding a military vaccine program does not prove that the pandemic was planned.

But it does establish another question worth pursuing: What countermeasure technologies existed before the emergency?

That question became increasingly important to me. Erasmus — Rotterdam

Then the BioAgent Odyssey crossed the Atlantic.

I went to Rotterdam.

Erasmus Medical Center had a long and very public history of influenza, zoonotic-virus and pandemic-preparedness research. Its controversial gain-of-function work made it impossible for me to ignore.

I wrote about that journey extensively.

One starting point is Erasmus Blood On The Floor Connects All The Deep State Mates.

Another is George Webb’s Royal Dutch Virus.

Those articles contain claims and historical interpretations that readers should independently test. But my reason for going to Rotterdam was straightforward: Go where the research happened.

Talk to people.

Stand outside the laboratory.

Follow the grants.

Follow the collaborations.

Follow the institutions.

That is citizen journalism. Texas BSL Laboratories

The investigation also took us through Texas and its high-containment biological research infrastructure.

I spent days traveling through that network because the story couldn’t simply be reduced to Wuhan.

If the hypothesis involved an international biodefense system, then you had to examine the system.

That meant American laboratories too.

My reporting from that trip is part of the larger BioAgent Odyssey and appears in Finally, We Can Tell You Who Did It.

Readers don’t have to accept the conclusions I drew from those visits.

In fact, they shouldn’t accept them merely because I say so. Check the documents.

That is the whole point. The Live Exercise

Eventually I needed a name for the larger investigative hypothesis.

I called it the Coronavirus Military Live Exercise.

That theory is developed most directly in Real Corona Live Exercise — Part One: Return To Patient Zero.

Six years later, I tried to place that investigation inside the much larger body of my work in The George Webb Investigates Case File.

And more recently I returned to the beginning with the Operation Lockstep series, including Operation Lockstep Part Two — The White Paper and Operation Lockstep Chapter Three.

That is why the chorus doesn’t announce a verdict.

It asks: Was it prophecy or preparation? Was it planning, was it fear?

Because that was the question. Go Back Before 2020

Another principle eventually emerged from the reporting: Go backward.

Don’t begin in January 2020.

Ask what existed in 2019.

Then 2018.

Then 2017.

Keep going.

That approach eventually became central to my Fauci and Me series.

The longer historical framework is laid out in Fauci And Me — A Technical Preface.

And my current summary, We Still Have Great Leads in the Fauci Investigation, explains why I now think the most productive phase of the investigation is the document hunt.

Contracts.

Grant applications.

Material-transfer agreements.

Patents.

Subcontracts.

Travel records.

Laboratory notebooks where available.

Conference programs.

Emails.

Procurement records.

Corporate relationships.

Dates.

Names.

Places.

That is how a hypothesis either survives or dies. Why Put All of This Into a Song?

Because almost nobody remembers a grant number.

Almost nobody sings a congressional report in the shower.

People remember stories.

They remember: Coffee cups and laptops glowing, Paper scattered across the floor.

They remember a river.

They remember twelve people staring at computer screens.

They remember somebody finding a document.

They remember the moment somebody says: Come lo[...]

ok at this.

And suddenly an enormous investigation has a human scale.

That is what music can do that a 300-page research archive cannot.

The archive carries the evidence. The song carries the story. The Most Important Story in the World

And this is where I think the stakes become different from almost anything else I have investigated.

I’ve spent years investigating intelligence operations, political scandals, wars, assassinations, surveillance programs and covert networks.

But a pandemic is different.

A pandemic reaches the kitchen table.

It reaches the hospital room.

It reaches the school.

It reaches the nursing home.

It reaches the workplace.

It reaches the airport.

It reaches every country.

It reaches every family.

It potentially touches the health of every man, woman and child in the world.

And if the story concerns the health of every man, woman and child in the world, then I can’t think of a more important story to investigate.

And if storytelling is how human beings carry important events from one generation to another, then I can’t think of a more important story to tell well.

That doesn’t mean exaggerating it.

It means the opposite.

Dates matter more.

Documents matter more.

Distinctions between evidence and hypothesis matter more.

Being willing to say “I don’t know yet” matters more.

That’s why one of my favorite lines in the song is: We weren’t claiming we had answers, We were following what we found.

That’s the BioAgent Odyssey in two lines. The Archive Is Part of the Story

There is another reason I wanted to turn this investigation into music.

Archives disappear.

In August 2026, I wrote about the deletion of thousands of my reporting videos in YouTube Just Erased Thousands of My On-Site Reporting Videos.

I subsequently issued a preservation demand concerning coronavirus-related material in Spoliation Notice for Google and YouTube Class Action.

Whether someone agrees with my reporting or thinks I’m completely wrong, preserving the underlying interviews, locations and contemporaneous reporting allows other people to test it.

That principle is bigger than me. Don’t preserve my conclusions. Preserve the evidence.

Then challenge the conclusions. “Keep the Questions With the Evidence”

That brings us to the final chorus: Keep the questions with the evidence, Keep the dates and names in view, Because history starts with someone asking: “What was written—and by who?”

That is why I wrote “The White Paper on the Potomac.”

It isn’t supposed to be the final answer to COVID.

It is the story of people beginning to ask questions while the event itself was unfolding.

The investigation subsequently carried us from that Potomac beach house to Fort Detrick, Fort Belvoir, UNC, UTMB, Texas high-containment laboratories, Erasmus in Rotterdam and dozens of other locations.

You can follow that larger journey through George Webb’s Corona Road Show, Start Here: Roadmap To Deep State Takedown, The George Webb Investigates Case File, and Some Truths Are Too Big to Tell.

There are thousands of pages behind this song.

There are years of driving behind it.

There are laboratories.

Interviews.

Documents.

False leads.

Better leads.

Questions that survived.

Questions that didn’t.

But a song has four minutes.

So the song gives you the moment when the journey began:

A gray March day.

A house beside the Potomac.

Coffee cups.

Laptops.

A document.

A group of ordinary people asking questions.

And a river rolling past the window. A song should tell a story.

And when the story potentially concerns the health of every man, woman and child on Earth, it may be the most important story in the world.

Which makes telling that story—and telling it carefully—some of the most important storytelling we can do. By the water. On the Potomac shore. We found the paper. And we started asking more.

— George Webb