In the 1960s, an entire world, orphaned by the RSI, or born from the orphans of the RSI, rediscovered something of its soul and its war in the struggle for independence against colonialism. The greatest political representative of that postwar world, Argentine President Perón, overthrown by a reactionary coup and exiled in Spain, was the standard-bearer of the anti-imperialist Third Position. He enjoyed excellent relations with Fidel Castro and even collaborated with Ernesto Guevara, known as El Che. These are the reasons why in Italy the first to honor the figure of the fallen guerrilla were men of “black” origin.

Gabriele Adinolfi

‘The Disintegration of the System’ (La Disintegrazione del Sistema) was presented by Franco Giorgio Freda as an ideological document at a meeting of the executive of the European Revolutionary Front (Front révolutionnaire européen) in Regensburg, Bavaria, on 17 August 1969. The front was an umbrella organization for European nationalist revolutionary organizations.

At first we thought that Europe really was a valid myth, and represented an idée-force. Even neo-fascists hardly out of school harp on about ‘Europe-Fascism-Revolution’ without checking to see if a homogeneous European civilization really exists. We will have nothing to do with Europe of the Enlightenment tradition. We have no truck with a democratic, Jacobin Europe. We have nothing in common with the Europe of the market-place, the Europe of plutocratic colonialism. With Jewish or Judaized Europe we have only scores to settle.

Franco Freda

Freda, Heretical Interpreter of Evola
by Franco Ferraresi

The principal metapolitical point of reference of this analysis is the second of the Evolian political “grand texts,” Ride the Tiger, in the most radical of possible readings, proposed at the end of the 1960s by Franco Freda. The principal concept of Ride the Tiger, that of apoliteia, is susceptible to least two readings: the first, exclusively concentrated on the internal dimension, leads to a total abstention from all forms of political action; the second interprets apoliteia as a refusal to insert oneself into the political system of today, and thus to adhere to the components that create it (Anti-Tradition), and indicates an exasperated political engagement in the form of a militia, “the heroic way,” “holy war” as the most valuable and most authentic instrument of spiritual realization.

That is thus the line suggested by Freda in the “manifesto” that was the most authoritative on the radical right.

An organization called "StopAntisemitism" is attempting to get TYT's Ana Kasparian demonetized for stating the truth about ZOG and the Dancing Israelis.

https://youtu.be/mbvw5bKxdtw

Remigration vibes 🍹
👉🏻 Occigène

Fidel is not a communist. If he were one, he would have at least a few more weapons. This revolution is exclusively Cuban. No, it is Latin American. Politically, Fidel and his movement could be defined as “national revolutionary.” Of course, it is anti-Yankee to the degree that the Yankees are anti-revolutionary. But in fact we do not raise a proselytist anti-Yankeeism. We are against the United States because it is against our peoples. I am the one most attacked with the communist argument.

Che Guevara, April 1958.

European fascists for too long lingered on sterile nationalistic positions before being forced in the direction of a continental revolution by the inexorable initiative of Adolf Hitler. It was this total revolutionary initiative which fused into a single front the dispersed forces of the various fascisms. The Europe of Drieu stretches from Brest to Elbruz, from Narvik to Crete, resolved to defend its revolution against Yankee capitalism and Asiatic Bolshevism. It is this Europe that the French and Scandinavian volunteers rushed to defend. It is the Europe of the Danish, Dutch and Belgian SS who preferred annihilation to surrender in the tragic trap of Korsun. From a higher historical point of view, the sacrifice of a few hundred thousand of international SS fighters is more significant than the millions who fell in the name of the old national conceptions. The former bore witness for the old fatherlands, while the latter sacrificed themselves for the new Aryan fatherland of European fascism.

Adriano Romualdi

We refuse the bourgeois world with its discos and drugs as its symbols; we refuse the suffocating metropolis and this faceless civilization. We want a new people capable of rediscovering the will to stay united and to have not only economic, but also civilized aims. We no longer want parasites or exploiters …, but only better individuals able to lead their people toward freedom.

“Lotta e vittoria,” Terza Posizione, November/December 1979, and “Crisi di dimensione,” Lotta studentesca 1 [n.d., likely Fall 1977].

“Struggle and victory, Commander! Because as a fascist, I honor him. Che is the victory of heroism in the ranks of the iconoclasts. He did more—in gestures and deeds, I mean—for what we call Tradition, than any postwar anti-communist action.”

Gabriele Adinolfi

We have nationalist-revolutionary roots, but we define ourselves on our pages as "nationalists and identitarians". The former to mark our attachment to more classic political traditions of the national right (anti-liberalism, for example). The latter to signify our attachment to the protection of the country's identities in the face of the Great Replacement. Otherwise, we have many influences, but I think the most consensual among us reside in Dominique Venner, the thinkers of "French socialism", the works of GRECE, Éléments, and the Iliad. And Mistral for Provençalism, obviously.

Raphaël Ayma

To put it plainly, the islands of the nationalist archipelago are interconnected. Admittedly, they are scattered throughout the country, but ideologically, a hybridization has taken place over the last decade. Whereas in the past, each group stuck to its own current – royalist, revolutionary nationalist, identitarian – today, each group happily borrows from its neighbor's ideas. Meetings such as the colloquia organized by the Institut Iliade, a far-right think tank headed by Jean-Yves Le Gallou, an intellectual of the radical movement, encourage this exchange of knowledge.

According to the researcher, those most on the fringes are the revolutionary nationalists. They see themselves as nationalist, anti-capitalist (without the class struggle) and anti-communist, anti-American in their rejection of liberalism and "cosmopolitanism," but also violently anti-Zionist. One such group is Lyon Populaire.

Abel Mestre, 26 August 2024.

Combat Herald of the Avantguardia 2021
СЗ, Franz von Sickingen, Andriy Potsiluyko

Avantguardia has published an online English version of their first prestigious magazine. This magazine with its precious publications declares war on the decadence of the modern world, and each of us reading it find ourselves on the same front, standing on our feet in a world of ruins.

We noticed that the ATP Telegram has posted many pro-Ukrainian things, does this mean that ATP stands with the Azov Regiment of Ukraine?

Of course, we can be only pro-Ukrainian as we recognize our past struggles (from our independence to the war in Dardania) in Ukraine’s current one. So, as you can see there are many reasons for us to regard Ukraine as our natural ally. Any coherent European nationalist should feel the same toward Ukraine because, beyond the similarities with the Albanian case, it is the fate of European nationalism and of the relevance of our continent in the future that is at stake right now in Ukraine.

What is even more noteworthy is that Ukrainian nationalists have become the head spear and the vanguard of European nationalism, an aristocratic model for the rest of the European movements on all aspects: from ideology, to organization, to fighting skills and spirit, etc.

americanfuturist.net/interview-with-albanian-third-position/

Overall, what should be promoted is a twofold process of integration: on the one hand, national integration through the acknowledgment of a substantial principle of authority that is the basis for the organic, anti-individualistic, and corporative formation of the various sociopolitical national forces; on the other hand, supernational European integration through the acknowledgment of a principle of authority that is as super-ordained toward that which is proper of single units (individual States), as it is toward the people included in each of these units. Without this, it is useless to talk about an organically united Europe.

Julius Evola, Men Among the Ruins