𝑬𝒖𝒓𝒐𝒑𝒆𝒂𝒏 π‘Ίπ’π’„π’Šπ’‚π’π’Šπ’”π’Ž
7.55K subscribers
5.07K photos
787 videos
558 files
1.25K links
European Study Center for an Organic Economy
Download Telegram
Formula_One_and_beyond_the_autobiography_Mosley,_Max_London,_New.pdf
13.9 MB
Formula One and Beyond
by Max Mosley

For almost 50 years, Max Mosley was involved in motor racing, having seen the sport at all levels: as a driver, a team owner (with March) and, between 1993 and 2009, as president of the FIA, motor sport's governing body. In partnership wih Bernie Ecclestone, he helped transform Formula One into a multi-billion-pound global brand. Now, in this fascinating and revealing memoir, Mosley gives a compelling insight into the sport and its most influential figures and biggest stars.

But Mosley's story goes far beyond motor sport, as his life and career have taken him through an extraordinary range of experiences, from being brought up as the son of Oswald and Diana Mosley, who were interned during the war, and having to deal with the taint of the family name; through his vital campaigns for road safety that have helped to save many thousands of lives; and on to the recent intrusions into his private life that led to a famous court case against the Murdoch press.
πŸ’Š7
β€œI see nothing but a world of ruins, where a kind of front line is possible only in the catacombs.”

Julius Evola
πŸ”₯42
β€œI hate Jews and blacks and I’m prepared to spend the rest of my life getting them out of this country.”

Peter Dawson
πŸ”₯51🫑7❀5⚑1
RΓ©flΓ©chir et agir is one of the more important publications of the French national movement. It defines itself as nationalist-revolutionary , anti-capitalist, and identitarian. This is a translation of an interview they conducted with Guillaume Faye in 1997, shortly after his return to politics. Once a leading intellectual within GRECE, he left in 1986, declaring that the movement had exhausted its intellectual potential. Since then, he has pursued diverse ventures in literature, media, and show business, all while continuing to refine his worldview.

In this in-depth interview, Faye reflects on the rise and decline of the New Right, his evolving perspectives on politics, culture, and global crises, and his belief in the "convergence of catastrophes"β€”an impending historical rupture shaped by ecological, demographic, and geopolitical tensions. Rejecting traditional left-right divisions, he calls for new spaces of intellectual debate, warning against ideological dogmatism and the stagnation of contemporary thought.


https://nouvelledroite.substack.com/p/guillaume-faye-the-anti-pope-of-the
πŸ’Š9
β€œHere in Europe, the only anti-American pivot is and will be a European left-wing nationalism … What I mean is that a popular-oriented nationalism will be necessary for Europe … a European national communism would cause a great chain-reaction in terms of enthusiasm … Guevara said that many Vietnams are necessary, and he was right. We need to transform Palestine into a new Vietnam.”

Jean Thiriart
⚑24✍2πŸ’Š2❀‍πŸ”₯1
Media is too big
VIEW IN TELEGRAM
"The Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades continue with the struggle and with the resistance by all possible military ways and means, to defend our Palestinian people everywhere. The Brigades will continue in the path of Arafat until they actualize his goals and the revolution, that is, self-determination, the return of the refugees, and the expulsion of the occupation from our land... No one can disarm the resistance – the weapons are the weapons of the Palestinian people and the Palestinian cause. As long as the occupation on the Palestinian lands continues, the rifle of the revolution will be aimed at the breast of the occupation, until it leaves or dies. The rifle of the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades exists alongside Fatah's political track. The actualization of the political achievements of the Palestinian people and the Palestinian cause is top priority for the Brigades, which will continue to be a bulwark for the Palestinian leadership, headed by Mahmoud Abbas..."

Abu Al-Muntasir Amar, 2017.
πŸ”₯20πŸ’Š3
In the 1960s, an entire world, orphaned by the RSI, or born from the orphans of the RSI, rediscovered something of its soul and its war in the struggle for independence against colonialism. The greatest political representative of that postwar world, Argentine President PerΓ³n, overthrown by a reactionary coup and exiled in Spain, was the standard-bearer of the anti-imperialist Third Position. He enjoyed excellent relations with Fidel Castro and even collaborated with Ernesto Guevara, known as El Che. These are the reasons why in Italy the first to honor the figure of the fallen guerrilla were men of β€œblack” origin.

Gabriele Adinolfi
πŸ‘21❀‍πŸ”₯1❀1πŸ—Ώ1πŸ’Š1
β€˜The Disintegration of the System’ (La Disintegrazione del Sistema) was presented by Franco Giorgio Freda as an ideological document at a meeting of the executive of the European Revolutionary Front (Front rΓ©volutionnaire europΓ©en) in Regensburg, Bavaria, on 17 August 1969. The front was an umbrella organization for European nationalist revolutionary organizations.
❀19⚑3
At first we thought that Europe really was a valid myth, and represented an idΓ©e-force. Even neo-fascists hardly out of school harp on about β€˜Europe-Fascism-Revolution’ without checking to see if a homogeneous European civilization really exists. We will have nothing to do with Europe of the Enlightenment tradition. We have no truck with a democratic, Jacobin Europe. We have nothing in common with the Europe of the market-place, the Europe of plutocratic colonialism. With Jewish or Judaized Europe we have only scores to settle.

Franco Freda
πŸ”₯32⚑5❀2πŸ‘2
Freda and Left Evolism.pdf
122.2 KB
Freda, Heretical Interpreter of Evola
by Franco Ferraresi

The principal metapolitical point of reference of this analysis is the second of the Evolian political β€œgrand texts,” Ride the Tiger, in the most radical of possible readings, proposed at the end of the 1960s by Franco Freda. The principal concept of Ride the Tiger, that of apoliteia, is susceptible to least two readings: the first, exclusively concentrated on the internal dimension, leads to a total abstention from all forms of political action; the second interprets apoliteia as a refusal to insert oneself into the political system of today, and thus to adhere to the components that create it (Anti-Tradition), and indicates an exasperated political engagement in the form of a militia, β€œthe heroic way,” β€œholy war” as the most valuable and most authentic instrument of spiritual realization.

That is thus the line suggested by Freda in the β€œmanifesto” that was the most authoritative on the radical right.
✍19
Fidel is not a communist. If he were one, he would have at least a few more weapons. This revolution is exclusively Cuban. No, it is Latin American. Politically, Fidel and his movement could be defined as β€œnational revolutionary.” Of course, it is anti-Yankee to the degree that the Yankees are anti-revolutionary. But in fact we do not raise a proselytist anti-Yankeeism. We are against the United States because it is against our peoples. I am the one most attacked with the communist argument.

Che Guevara, April 1958.
❀34πŸ’Š7πŸ†’3πŸ‘1
European fascists for too long lingered on sterile nationalistic positions before being forced in the direction of a continental revolution by the inexorable initiative of Adolf Hitler. It was this total revolutionary initiative which fused into a single front the dispersed forces of the various fascisms. The Europe of Drieu stretches from Brest to Elbruz, from Narvik to Crete, resolved to defend its revolution against Yankee capitalism and Asiatic Bolshevism. It is this Europe that the French and Scandinavian volunteers rushed to defend. It is the Europe of the Danish, Dutch and Belgian SS who preferred annihilation to surrender in the tragic trap of Korsun. From a higher historical point of view, the sacrifice of a few hundred thousand of international SS fighters is more significant than the millions who fell in the name of the old national conceptions. The former bore witness for the old fatherlands, while the latter sacrificed themselves for the new Aryan fatherland of European fascism.

Adriano Romualdi
⚑39❀5🫑3
We refuse the bourgeois world with its discos and drugs as its symbols; we refuse the suffocating metropolis and this faceless civilization. We want a new people capable of rediscovering the will to stay united and to have not only economic, but also civilized aims. We no longer want parasites or exploiters …, but only better individuals able to lead their people toward freedom.

β€œLotta e vittoria,” Terza Posizione, November/December 1979, and β€œCrisi di dimensione,” Lotta studentesca 1 [n.d., likely Fall 1977].
⚑19
β€œStruggle and victory, Commander! Because as a fascist, I honor him. Che is the victory of heroism in the ranks of the iconoclasts. He did moreβ€”in gestures and deeds, I meanβ€”for what we call Tradition, than any postwar anti-communist action.”

Gabriele Adinolfi
⚑30πŸ’Š9πŸ—Ώ6
This 1997 interview from RΓ©flΓ©chir & Agir no. 3 captures a pivotal moment in Guillaume Faye’s intellectual transition following his departure from GRECE and the New Right. Once a key theorist of the movement, Faye had since shifted to mainstream media, working as a journalist, radio host, and writer. Conducted by Maxime Lion, this second part of a two-part interview delves into three main themes: the influence of mainstream media on cultural production, the future of Europe, and the state of nationalist movements.

Faye provides a unique insider’s perspective on ideological and media landscapes, offering sharp critiques of the political establishment and the nationalist movements he once supported. His views on European unity, cultural strategy, and political engagement are provocative and pragmatic, taking place amid debates over European integration and the Maastricht Treaty.

Beyond its immediate political context, the interview offers valuable historical insight into the intellectual debates of late 1990s France, shedding light on the evolution of nationalist and New Right thought, as well as Faye’s shifting ideological trajectory.

https://nouvelledroite.substack.com/p/guillaume-faye-the-anti-pope-of-the-b45
❀7
We have nationalist-revolutionary roots, but we define ourselves on our pages as "nationalists and identitarians". The former to mark our attachment to more classic political traditions of the national right (anti-liberalism, for example). The latter to signify our attachment to the protection of the country's identities in the face of the Great Replacement. Otherwise, we have many influences, but I think the most consensual among us reside in Dominique Venner, the thinkers of "French socialism", the works of GRECE, Γ‰lΓ©ments, and the Iliad. And Mistral for ProvenΓ§alism, obviously.

RaphaΓ«l Ayma
🫑19⚑1