James H. Madole
by Kerry Bolton

Third Way
Madole was a precursor of today's Third Way movements. Whilst maintaining his anti-communism, Madole rejected much of the Old Right baggage. Ideological input came especially from two 'intellectual fascists'. Francis Parker Yockey, author of Imperium, spent 15 years outsmarting INTERPOL and American military intelligence, travelling the world seeking out fascist support for his ideal of a united Europe. Charles Weiss, a member of the Kaiser's staff during World War I who had migrated to America shortly after the war, served as Yockey's mentor and was particularly helpful as a behind the scenes supporter of the NRP. They, Madole and a Catholic anti-Semitic paper called Common Sense, under the editorship of Conde McGinley, propounded the unorthodox view (among the Right) that the USSR had divested itself of Jewish Bolshevism and was pursuing a Slavic nationalist course which was directly at odds with America and its Jewish leadership stratum.

"Madole supported the 'progressive nationalism' of Nasser, as opposed to the old ruling Arab families whom he considered tools of the USA and hence of Zionism. Such sentiments gained support from Arab nationalists, including diplomats. Abdul Mawgoud Hassan, press attaché to the Egyptian UN delegation, spoke at an NRP meeting."

Kerry Bolton

I was scheduled to speak at the Free Sweden event this Saturday and flew into Stockholm earlier today. I was detained going through customs and held for several hours before being denied entry on the grounds that I present a 'threat to public order, the fabric of society and the values on which Sweden and Europe are built'. I am now in the process of being deported and the EU has banned from entering any Schengen Zone country for FIFTEEN YEARS. Remember, if I was a migrant that just arrived in a dinghy I would have been housed, fed and then the state would have turned a blind eye to any criminal activity I may have caused. Instead, I arrived in Sweden to give a speech encouraging white people to live together and form communities.

The Woodlander Initiative (TWI) has already purchased more than 20 acres of land in four different locations and plans to buy up plots in every county in the UK to establish ‘white heartlands’.

The fascist land-buying scheme owns a large plot of land near a secluded village in rural Wales that has been used by Britain’s largest fascist group to host ‘camping’ and training weekends.

TWI is run by former BNP and National Front member Simon Birkett who is now linked to Britain’s largest fascist group - Patriotic Alternative (PA) - and was a speaker at its last annual conference.

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-14964699/Neo-Nazi-group-buying-land-UK-white-enclaves.html

Third Positionists find sympathy with other nationalist and liberation struggles in common goals against our collective foe. Nowhere is this more prevalent than in Palestine and the seat of Zionism.

We recognise and celebrate the differences of all peoples and cultures. In a time of one-world ideological thinking, vis-à-vis the New World Order, parochial thinking is to be avoided. Britain is no longer the strongman of the world, and so we will need moral, political, and even financial support from our European brother nations. The nimby little-Englander mentality will leave us isolated and alone: easy pickings for our enemies. In addition, we should be open to tactical tangential alliances with nations further afield who are resisting the onslaught of the hegemonic U.S., the machine powering this one-world narrative by the point of a gun. Why so? Because it renders us morally right and ideologically consistent. We are not hypocrites who claim nationalism for me but not for thee.

https://www.patrioticalternative.org.uk/the_third_position_action_again

The salute is used by nationalists all over the world. Why should I be responsible for the fact that Hitler appropriated it? After all, it was already used by the ancient Romans.

Tomasz Greniuch

The European
Number One, March 1953

We stand for the union of Europe—and we are opposed to Communism, because we believe that Communism menaces the life of England and of Europe. The great majority of Europeans would say the same thing. Supporters of the Union of Europe are ranged between two extremes. At one end is the position of the British Conservative Government, which is willing neither to enter the European economic plan nor the European army. At the other extreme is the radical concept of “Europe a Nation,” which claims to solve all such questions with the simple formula “We are Europeans.” No-one can deny that variety of opinion exists within the ranks of those who support the union of Europe, or the necessity for further and clearer definition. In this sphere, and others, it is the ambition of this journal at least to compel clarity. The third factor for discussion is the idea of European socialism within the framework of Europe a Nation, and pooling of colonies for the joint development of Africa.

It was, indeed, the long-standing paradox of international socialism, attempting to organise socialism in one country while exposing its life to capitalist competition on world markets, that led originally to the birth of the body of doctrine which has developed into “European Socialism.” This concept opposes the syndicalist tradition to the bureaucratic tradition of British socialism in internal organisation. Beginning with unfettered private enterprise in the foundation of new industry and full reward for the entrepreneur, this idea moves through an intermediate stage of joint management to complete workers’ ownership of developed industry with the slogan “industrial democracy.” In external relations it seeks an area sufficiently large for this modern socialism to develop an independence of outside supplies of raw materials and of extraneous competition; particularly that of cheap oriental labour.

The European, no. 1, March 1953.

In the early 1930s, Mussolini urged women to have more children with larger families necessary to support the national good

Church, State and Sex by Benito Mussolini

EDITOR’S NOTE
This article was originally published in a slightly longer version in Liberty Magazine, August 1, 1931.

https://willisacartolibrary.com/2025/05/04/church-state-and-sex-by-benito-mussolini/

“Atatürk was the first to show that it is possible to mobilize and regenerate the resources that a country has lost. In this respect Atatürk was a teacher; Mussolini was his first and I his second student.”

Adolf Hitler, 1938.

At the end of August 1995, the 2nd congress of the Nouvelle Résistance (NR) was held, adopting the line: “The Real Alternative: Democracy, Socialism, European Identity.” The NR intended to bring together “those who fight for European identity, that is, those who believe that non-European immigration must be halted and that repatriation measures must be implemented, that is, also those who reject the Americanization of our people and the loss of their culture in a bland and lukewarm magma embodied by McDonald’s or Eurodisney.” Its organ, Lutte du peuple, was interested in the political potential of techno rave parties. New Resistance wanted to “bring together those who fight for socialism, that is to say against social injustice, against glaring inequalities, against big money and arrogant wealth, those who are worried about the decline of social gains, the poverty of our people.”

“We can give several definitions of revolutionary nationalism, all valid and yet competing. Arguably, it is the European counterpart of the national liberation movements in the Third World. It is a component of a larger political entity which is the Conservative Revolution, and it is a ‘centrist’ current which rejects the notions of Right and Left in favour of the ideological unity of the people. A French author, Fabrice Bouthillon, has explained this in a recent article: ‘It’s an attempt to revive what had been undone by the French Revolution, and which multiplied across Europe after 1789: these attempts at a compromise between the Right and the Left that constitute centrism. … There are two types of centrism, either by subtraction or by the addition of extremes.’ It is precisely the model of the latter which is in fact radical centrism, and combining the extreme Left and extreme Right is revolutionary nationalism.”

Christian Bouchet

The “Split Vote” Myth and Political Tribalism

The notion that small parties “split the vote” is a common refrain, particularly from supporters of Reform UK, who argue that parties like UKIP, the Heritage Party, or the Populist Party dilute the anti-Labour vote. Yet, this assumes ideological alignment across these groups, which is far from reality.

Reform UK’s platform—global free trade, Atlanticism, free-market economics, libertarianism, and consumerism—differs sharply from the protectionist, socially conservative, or ecologically focused stances of other parties. To conflate them is to oversimplify the broad spectrum of voter preferences, where “syncretic” mixtures of left and right are more common than in the previous century.

This tribalism extends beyond Reform UK. Tories have long warned that voting for Reform or UKIP risks letting Labour in.

https://thirdway.info/2025/06/08/reforming-the-vote-the-novel-case-for-negative-voting-to-deliver-electoral-change/