𝑬𝒖𝒓𝒐𝒑𝒆𝒂𝒏 π‘Ίπ’π’„π’Šπ’‚π’π’Šπ’”π’Ž
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β€œI realised long ago that the BNP is the British equivalent of Hamas and Islamic Jihad, whom I admire and respect and who have great courage. That is why I joined.”

Edith Crowther
πŸ‘25πŸ™3
β€œIt would be unfair, however, to reduce all European youths to those just described. Apart from young people who are happy to go along with the bourgeois flow with little scruple or distress, in Italy there are young people whose revolt has a political aspect. They are rebelling against the current democratic regime and are even actively taking to the streets, with courage, when it is a matter of repelling the provocative demonstrations of Leftist factions. They attest to the presence of a different Italy and, what’s more, some of them are even receptive towards the ideas and disciplines which we usually refer to as β€˜traditional’, in a particular sense of the word. Thus, in regard to these young people one can no longer speak of β€˜rebels without a flag’, nor of foolish copycat non-conformism.”

Julius Evola, Against the Young
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β€œThere is also no doubt that the National Socialist program would have been increasingly carried out if peace had been preserved. But the Jewish capitalists and big financial jealousies, who saw how power was slipping more and more out of their hands, had been determined ever since 1933 to take revenge on Germany. They realized that National Socialism must be crushed if other peoples were not to follow their example and throw off their dependence on Jewish loan capital. No one who honestly wants to look into the matter can deny that Jewish financial interests are behind the powers that now declare their intention of crushing Germany.”

Sven Lindholm, β€œHitler’s first ten years”, Den Svenske Folksocialisten, 1943.
πŸ•Š16⚑5
β€˜On 7 June think of him and all the others.’ Fascist electoral propaganda referring to a young MSI militant injured in clashes with leftist students (Rome, March 1968).

Fondazione Ugo Spirito, Rome.
πŸ”₯19❀2
Like other Right-wing strategists before him, Almirante suggested that β€œthe entire Government apparatus and the nation’s cultural life are being permeated with Marxist ideas and personnel”, and the Left-Centre Coalition was rendering β€œKerensky service” to the Communists. The MSI, the β€œalternative to the System”, was ready to lend a hand in constituting the β€œbig Right-wing movement” (grande destra). The MSI, according to Almirante, was β€œnot the economic-capitalist but national-corporative Right”. On this platform, they would β€œoffer determined resistance to Communism both in Parliament and, if need be, in the streets”. Almirante summed up: β€œRevolutionβ€”yes! By way of revolutionary ideology. But revolution with intelligence. Revolution with the right sort of means for the right sort of aims. No blind actionism”.
❀17
Within the last decade, former GUD leader FrΓ©dΓ©ric Chatillon and Axel Loustau exchanged messages marking the sad anniversary of Hitler’s death. In 2017, Chatillon wrote on his Facebook wall on April 30th, the anniversary of Hitler’s death, in an exchange with Loustau: β€œwe miss him a lot”. Loustau was photographed giving a Roman salute at his birthday party in 2011.

Chatillon sued a journalist who called him a neo-Nazi. Le Moal testified that Chatillon organised a dinner every April 20th to celebrate Hitler’s birthday. He presented a painted portrait of Hitler with the words, β€œMy beloved Fuhrer, he is magnificent”, then kissed the portrait.
❀31
β€œThey’re provoking French fears of what is commonly called β€˜Islamism’ or β€˜Moslem religious activism.’ The ones who provoke or manipulate these fears, not hesitating to grossly distort Islam’s message to make it better fit their conceptions, do it from a very precise standpoint: that of the globalist utopia and the ideology of Human Rights which assumes the destruction of cultural identities and the rejection of transcendence. Their dream is of a sterilized Islam rendered harmless.”

Jean-Marie Le Pen
πŸ‘27❀3
The hope for social progress that Den Svenske Nationalsocialisten (The Swedish National Socialist) declares when Hitler took power in 1933 is considered to have been realized ten years later. Lindholm writes in the spring and winter of 1943 that Hitler β€œhonestly strives for the best for his people and wants to implement socialism without second thoughts”, even though the entire socio-economic program has not yet been realized.
❀38
β€œA non-white America is a declaration of war against all people who see an organically-grown social order based on language and culture, history and heritage to be the essence of humanity. Barack Obama hides this declaration of war behind his penetrating sunshine smile.”

Udo Voigt, β€˜Africa Conquers the White House’, 2008.
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β€œFascists…are no less enlisted on behalf of their country’s service than soldiers fighting for its security in times of war, and are, therefore, proud to wear no less unequivocal a uniform.”

A.K. Chesterton
❀62πŸ”₯3
The patriarchal national community was best protected, as the Ustasha ideologist Aleksandar Seitz (1912–1981) argued in 1943, within the ideological and organisational framework of β€˜Croatian socialism’, or β€˜social nationalism’, which was opposite to the socialism propagated by international Bolshevism. The aim of Croatian socialism was to harmonise and bring together all classes and estates to work for the greater good of the national community. The term β€˜national community’ was a concept alien to both Marxists and capitalists, because the former spoke only of classes, while the latter only recognised free markets. The notion of the β€˜national community’ was a recent one devised by Adolf Hitler. The nation, which constituted a β€˜group of people tied together through consciousness of a common affiliation on the basis of a common origin’, had historically been divided into mutually hostile estates and classes. The goal of a true nationalism was to unite these opposing classes into a harmonious entity.
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Croatian social nationalism was a component part of the European revolution that was opposed to both Americanism and Bolshevism, two ideologies that desired the levelling of all human cultures. The European identity, in contrast, was founded on unity in diversity. The European identity was also based on the idea of natural inequality. On 25 February 1942 the first Minister of Justice of the NDH, Mirko Puk (1884–1945), told the Croatian Sabor that β€œthe authoritarian state rejects the past legal theories, whereby all people are already equal according to their own nature, but instead accepts the other principle of differentiation and selection of mankind…”
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Responses_to_Modernity_the_Political_Tho.pdf
2.2 MB
Responses to Modernity: the Political Thought of Five Right-Wing European Thinkers in the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries
by Matt Gibson

This dissertation discusses the political thought of five right-wing European thinkers of the twentieth and early twenty-first century: RenΓ© GuΓ©non, Julius Evola, Mircea Eliade, Alain de Benoist, and Guillaume Faye. The intellectual careers of these thinkers represent a story that runs parallel to the trajectory of the history of the European political right, from the Action FranΓ§aise, through the interwar β€œfascisms,” to the Cold War era OAS and Ordine Nuovo, and the anti-immigration and Eurosceptic Front National party of the current day. Their thought provided intellectual cover for these movements; at the same time, these movements often inspired active endorsements from them. This dissertation analyzes the strong diversity in this thought, we claim that three distinct ideologies can be detected on the scene of the twentieth century European right.
⚑9πŸ‘2
β€œIf man is the image of God, then European man is so to a special degree; he is without doubt more so than a negro of central Africa. A Gothic cathedral surely reflects eternity in a more intense and more sublime manner than a negro’s filthy hut or a gypsy’s tent; and the Ninth Symphony is certainly nearer to God than the howling of a cannibal tribe in Australia.”

Julije Makanec, 1943.
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Unlike Suella Braverman and the Conservative Party, Heritage and Destiny supports the interests of Britons and Europeans rather than Israelis.

European nationalists have different views on the Middle East. But our movements – and future nationalist governments in Europe – will act in the interests of Europeans and will never prostrate ourselves as the uncritical tools of international Zionist lobbies. Especially not lobbies with a long record of anti-European, anti-nationalist violence.

www.heritageanddestiny.com/politicised-policing-in-the-uk/
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Forwarded from Arktos
Chega’s Advance and the Future of the Dissident Right in Europe and the US

Kenneth Schmidt views Chega’s surge in Portugal as a major step for the European populist right, while arguing that true power lies beyond elections β€” in capturing culture, institutions, and the long-term levers of influence.

Read the full article here:

https://www.arktosjournal.com/p/chegas-advance-and-the-future-of-the-dissident-right
πŸ”₯11
β€œFor while the Zionists try to make the rest of the world believe that the national consciousness of the Jew finds its satisfaction in the creation of a Palestinian state, the Jews again slyly dupe the dumb Goyim. It doesn’t even enter their heads to build up a Jewish state in Palestine for the purpose of living there; all they want is a central organization for their international world swindle, endowed with its own sovereign rights and removed from the intervention of other states: a haven for convicted scoundrels and a university for budding crooks.”

Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf
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It was certainly a masterful move of the globalist forces: The media, the university departments and publishing houses have been populated by intellectually mediocre, but thus devoted, followers of the philosophy of self-indulgence at all costs. […] This is so, because the civilization consumerism β€” the Wunderwaffe of the demoliberal system, is nothing more than a developed stage of slavery.

A. Gmurczyk, Rewolucja integralna
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