“The EEC is ... a vehicle of ... penetration into European nations, assisting in the process of globalisation via Americanisation, rock-cola subculture and third world immigration.”

Bruno Mégret

On 7 December 1969, the London Observer published the text of a secret communication from the Director General of the Greek Junta’s Foreign Ministry to the Greek Ambassador in Rome.

The report, dated 15 May 1969, was accompanied by a covering letter which stated:

“In this report you will find it noted that the situation in Italy has much of interest to us and proves that events are moving in a direction highly favourable to the national revolution.”

“His Excellency the Premier holds that the difficult exertions long undertaken by the national Hellenic government in Italy are beginning to bear fruit. The Premier has ordered me to convey to you his appreciation of the work you have carried out in this country to which you have seconded and also to ask you to persist with your activities, stepping them up so as to make best use of the possibilities which seem, according to the report, to be imminent. Finally, he has asked that I convey to you his wish that henceforth you redouble your precautions and that, in the event of any reversal you cease contact between you so that no connection may be drawn between the activities of our Italian friends and the Greek authorities…”

Normalise Celtic cross fascist marches.

Allez, la vraie jeunesse française!

Our fight extends beyond the need to create a supra-nationalist Europe. Nationals around the world is now a reality with our ties that unite us to the German NPD and the Italian MSI.

François Duprat

Roughly 5,000 young activists represented the total strength of ON. They were mostly students based in Paris, Marseille, Lyon and Nice. ON became an umbrella organisation keeping together different currents; it also published the periodical Pour un Ordre Nouveau (For a New Order). In ideological terms, ON was an ultra-nationalist, anti-capitalist and anti-Marxist movement. It attacked liberalism and, like the MSI-DN, promoted an archetypical European ‘third way’. The party manifesto called for the defence of national traditions, a strong state and a presidential regime. ON also tried to exploit the apocalyptic image of a new wave of north African immigrants assaulting the national borders and starting to counter-colonise metropolitan France. In spite of internal divisions ON decided to contest elections, starting with the 1971 Paris city council campaign. As a militant suggested, ‘we want to build a large party, like the Italian MSI, which we have set up as a model for ourselves’.

German activists were stoppend and probably detained when they wanted their flight to Italy for the Remigration Summit.
I made it into the country. I don't know if they are searching for me, to detain me, so I upload that video, before I might get arrested. We will do everything to make our Summit happen, in spite of the crazy repression!

👉 https://whatis.remigration.eu/
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🔋 Support my work

“The great internationals, like the Jewish international, play a not inconsiderable role in the creation of the anti-national spirit.”

Jean-Marie Le Pen, Présent, 1989.

Composed, in its heyday, of around 1,500 members, mostly students, Occident had distinguished itself in the Latin Quarter through street fights against leftist activists, its vocal support for French Algeria, and a deep-felt anti-Gaullism that had ingratiated it to those defeated by the Liberation. With Occident’s disintegration, some of the movement’s leaders, like Alain Madelin and Patrick Devedjian, put aside iron bars and brass knuckles to lead a more temperate existence in the ranks of the law faculty or Sciences Po—these sharp minds went on to have brilliant careers as conventional right-wingers. For others, the fight continued within the GUD (Groupe Union Droit, later known as Groupe Union Défense), managed by one of Occident’s main leaders, Alain Robert, who established this fallback structure in response to a call to action from the newly orphaned members of the now-dissolved movement.

Grégoire Kauffmann, The Origins of the National Front

The new Europe of the future will certainly bring more advantages than disadvantages to those who belong to it and benefit from it.

Joseph Goebbels, ‘The New Europe’

Germany Detains Patriots Over Remigration Summit

Constantin von Hoffmeister discusses how eight patriotic Germans, committed to shaping the future of Europe, were barred from traveling by a state that fears free speech and loyalty more than decline itself.

Read the full essay here:

https://www.eurosiberia.net/p/germany-detains-patriots-over-remigration-summit

Greetings from Milano. Had an interview with "Le Iene" - and a big disagreement with the left wing journalist about what makes Italy.

The identitarians are the avant-garde, or better still the front line! Far from being the last expression of a world in its death throes, they are the first pangs of a new birth (according to the very etymology of the word ‘revolution’). To use a different image, the identitarians are not those who are watching a dying flame, but rather are a thousand torches which light up in the night. Reach out your hands too, my friend, grab the torch and set it alight!

Philippe Vardon

Traditionally denied constitutional legitimacy, the Italian Social Movement (MSI) viewed the European elections as an opportunity to redefine its role and escape from political and ideological marginality. The party’s efforts to free itself from its domestic situation of structural subordination began to take shape in 1978 with the ‘Eurodestra’ project, whose objective was, according to party secretary Giorgio Almirante, to ‘join up, in a single supra-national force, all of the movements and parties of the European minority Right’, with the aim of ‘arriving at the creation of a European nation that is united, strong and future-oriented’.

‘Il Msi-Dn per un’Europa libera ed antimarxista’, Secolo d’Italia, 1979.

"Europe was always an entirely white continent. It is not unethical to want that Europe stays European."

Eva Vlaardingerbroek

The Hungarian national-conservative opposition party Our Homeland has become the most popular political force in the 18-29 age group, a recent Coninver poll shows. The party entered parliament for the first time in 2022, yet among the youth, its popularity not only surpassed that of all liberal opposition parties, but of the governing Fidesz as well.

Our Homeland (Mi Hazánk Mozgalom, MHM) is regularly described as far-right or even extreme-right, even though the party wouldn’t subscribe to the traditional left-right dichotomy. Rather, it defines itself as a ‘third way’ political movement. It is true, nonetheless, that—based on conventional thinking—Our Homeland is the only opposition party in the Hungarian parliament that can be positioned right of Fidesz.

In line with wider European trends, perhaps this signals that—while the establishment wasn’t watching—political parties that were formerly believed to be too extreme by most to even participate in politics have begun to move toward a more mainstream, acceptable position and thus appeal to broader masses, especially capturing the youth.

https://europeanconservative.com/articles/news/poll-our-homeland-is-leading-among-hungarian-youth/