📍Oviedo

In the face of the deindustrialization to which we Asturians are being subjected, we Falangists demand REINDUSTRIALIZATION.

https://x.com/fe_asturias/status/1903749248346194081?s=46

The vast gulf between the
conservative leaders of the MSI, who sought to organize an "international" under their own direction, and the radical youths, who sought, without success, to produce a manifesto which would rally their foreign counterparts and simultaneously satisfy both the "socialist" leftist and the aristocratic and philo-Nazi rightist factions, is described by Mario Giovana, Le nuove camicie nere.

“Apart from popular and democratic sources, we have a whole series of manifestations of fascism to which, despite and beyond its assumption of power, one can and must ascribe a ‘leftist’ character. Despite their leftist vocabulary, however, these actions have always had ‘rightist’ results.”

Luigi Salvatorelli, Nazionalfascismo (1923; reprint, Turin: Einaudi, 1977).

“A clear conception of the authority of the state, of the responsibility of the powers and above all of social justice is necessary. This requires a profound reform, a genuine revolution. This constructive and peaceful revolution must have as a result the disappearance of the wage-earner under the capitalist form, the end of the class struggle with all its manifestations.”

A Frenchman, ‘Destino dell’Europa ed avvenire del mondo,’ Nazionalismo Sociale 1, no. 7 (September-October 1951).

The revolution of the Sorelians, by contrast, developed into a national revolution. Only at the end of his life, when all his works had been written and he looked at the world around him with a deep sense of despair, did Sorel publish in September 1919 his famous epilogue to the fourth edition of Réflexions sur la violence. His hatred for the bourgeoisie and for democracy was so great that he even greeted with shouts of joy the revolution taking place in Russia, which was a rebellion led by professional revolutionaries such as he had disdained all his life. At the same time, he did not disown the use that the Fascists made of his name.

Zeev Sternhell, The Birth of Fascist Ideology

The labor movement interests us only to the degree that it is the bearer of a new culture. If the proletariat trails along in demagogy or egoism, it no longer has any attraction for those who seek the means by which the world is transformed.

Hubert Lagardelle, 1912.

That is why so many Sorelians, like many other people of the Left both before and after the war, slid into fascism. When these leftists of all shapes and colors came to the conclusion that the working class had definitely beaten a retreat, they did not follow it into this attitude. Their socialism remained revolutionary when that of the proletariat had ceased to be so. Having to choose between the proletariat and revolution, they chose revolution; having to choose between a proletarian but moderate socialism and a nonproletarian but revolutionary and national socialism, they opted for the nonproletarian revolution, the national revolution.
Thus, it was quite natural that a synthesis would arise between this new socialism, which discovered the nation as a revolutionary agent, and the nationalist movement, which also rebelled against the old world of conservatives, against the aristocrats and the bourgeois, and against social injustices and which believed that the nation would never be complete until it had integrated the proletariat. A socialism for the whole collectivity and a nationalism that, severed from conservatism, proclaimed itself as being by definition the messenger of unity and unanimity thus came together to form an unprecedented weapon of war against the bourgeois order and liberal democracy.
That was the nature of the synthesis that produced fascism.

Zeev Sternhell, The Birth of Fascist Ideology

COMING SOON:

Imperium Press is proud to announce that Martin Sellner will be joining the ranks of our published authors.

As an activist and champion of the European folks, Martin Sellner needs no introduction. As a thinker and strategist, he is best known for his book Regime Change von Rechts, which we will be publishing as Regime Change from the Right.

In this book, Sellner sketches out a strategic roadmap for us to retake our societies. Civil society, with its ideological and repressive state apparatuses, forms a neutralizing force that diffuses resistance against itself. Sellner shows how we can use metapolitics along with activism to defeat the ruling ideology in a "cultural revolution from the right".

https://martinsellner.substack.com/p/the-endgame-of-civic-nationalism

Sellner has learned to operate successfully in an environment of extreme repression. By joining forces, Imperium Press and and one of the premier dissidents working today will bring his insights to the Anglosphere right, and no doubt will increase its effectiveness dramatically.

Avanguardia Nazionale occupies the Faculty of Law, Rome (1970)

6.2.1970 La Sapienza is the scene of clashes between the Student Movement and the National Vanguard groups that compete for a monopoly on university political life. Assemblies, parades and occupations follow one another in the faculties and often the police or the carabinieri, called by the academic authorities, intervene inside the University City to form a cordon between the opposing factions, disperse the demonstrators or clear the occupied faculties as in this case.

'I don't give a damn' (me ne frego)... sums up a doctrine which is not merely political: it is evidence of a fighting spirit which accepts all risks. It signifies a new style of Italian life. The Fascist accepts and loves life; he rejects and despises suicide as cowardly. Life as he understands it means duty, elevation, conquest; life must be lofty and full, it must be lived for oneself but above all for others, both nearby and far off, present and future.

Benito Mussolini, Political and Social Doctrine of Fascism

On February 25-26, 2012, activists from Italy, Spain, France, Greece, and other nations, met in Rome to set up a European coordination. Among the promoters was featured the tiny and virtually unknown Movimento Sociale per l’Europa (European Social Movement for Europe, although they also labeled themselves the MSE). This young group, founded in late 2011, had its headquarters in Rome in a location that has a significant historical lineage with a local branch of the MSI (this quarter was shared with the fellow movement Lotta Europea). Also in this case the basic shared watchword became “Europe belongs to us!”. This Europe was, again, a spiritual, economic, and political space. In the case of this very recent Movimento Sociale per l’Europa, their political activism was against capitalism and liberalism, Americanization, globalization, and the EU strategies on the economic crisis. CasaPound attended the event, and among the groups in this network there was the French Troisième Voie led by Serge Ayoub.

🇪🇸 The Madrid Provincial Prosecutor's Office is requesting a three-and-a-half-year prison sentence for Spanish nationalist girl Isabel Peralta for inciting discrimination and hatred.

Free Isabel! Free all Nationalists!

❗️Rescue channel
📤 Contact us - @Notreds_bot

“With the MSI for a national and social order.”

Arturo Michelini, 1968.

Between the time of his release from prison and his formal adhesion to the MSI two years later, Borghese was kept "under observation" by the government. While this unwelcome official attention prevented him from engaging in any visible political activities of an anti-democratic nature, there are indications that during this period the Black Prince was approached by representatives of different groups who sought to coax him out of his seclusion and recruit his support for various political initiatives. The most important of such attempts were apparently connected to efforts by hardline anticommunists within the right wing of the DC, the American Embassy, the Vatican, and the employers’ association Confindustria to create a rightist, pro-Atlantic "national front" coalition, parallel to and independent of both the DC constellation and the MSI, which were perceived as insufficiently reliable guardians of the political and economic interests of the West. These elements considered the left-leaning "social" wing of the DC to be too hostile to private capitalist economic agendas and too willing to compromise or make common cause with the right wing of the Partito Socialista Italiano (PSI). At the same time, they viewed the MSI as a nostalgic party with embarassing attachments to an unpopular fascist past, and saw its left wing as a hotbed of anti-American and anti-Atlantic sentiment which had the potential to hinder efforts to integrate Italy into a pro-Western alliance system unless the party’s moderates were able to obtain control and enforce internal discipline. Several parallel operations were thus initiated, both to strengthen conservative forces within the two "suspect” parties and to create rival anticommunist organizational alternatives. If the two existing parties continued to be heavily influenced by their "unreliable" leftist factions, the plan was to detach their "trustworthy" conservative factions and gather them into newly-established formations and coalitions.

To this end U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) chief Allen Dulles is said to have entrusted two of his top operatives in Italy, Carmel Offie, a wartime intelligence officer who had been appointed to supervise the postwar activities of the Italian secret services, and James Jesus Angleton, by then head of CIA "special operations" in Italy, with the delicate mission of transforming restless nationalist youths and ex-military leaders of the RSI into the guardians of Atlanticism. American intelligence operatives purportedly began by approaching the leaders of various veterans associations that had been created in 1949 by former fascist fighters, including the Federazione Nazionale Combattenti Repubblicani (FNCR), the Associazione Paracadutisti Italiani (API), the Associazione Nazionale Arditi d’ltalia, and the Associazione Nazionale Combattenti Italiani di Spagna (ANCIS), in an effort to enlist their aid. They then attempted to gamer the support of certain ventennio-era fascist hierarchs, who had been excluded from the MSI due to the bitter hostility of its leftist and Evolan wings toward the so-called "traitors" of 25 July 1943.

Jeffrey McKenzie Bale, The "Black" Terrorist International: Neo-Fascist Paramilitary Networks and the "Strategy of Tension" in Italy, 1968–1974

According to Pier Giuseppe Murgia, Borghese’s establishment of his own Fronte Nazionale organization more than fifteen years later, again allegedly in the ambit of a "special operation directed by the CIA", essentially represented a revival of this earlier intelligence-backed project to unite all "patriotic" Italians. When the news of these efforts to recruit Borghese into a separate rightist movement reached the MSI, it generated great consternation. The leaders of the party immediately recognized that such efforts were in part aimed at weakening the MSI, and at once took action to counter this new threat. A number of young RSI veterans affiliated with the party were sent to visit Borghese at Artena. They warned him that reactionary forces behind the "national front" were seeking to make instrumental use of his prestige, and that MSI-linked nationalist youths would not recognize his leadership or join such a front since it was inimical to the interests of an independent neo-fascist party. This threat of abandonment by ex-soldiers and youths who had always lionized Borghese was followed up by intensive efforts to recruit the Black Prince into the MSI. After holding a series of meetings with his associates and getting their approval, MSI Secretary Augusto De Marsanich personally offered to make Borghese Honorary President of the party if he would consent to join. In this way the MSI leaders hoped to lure him away from the rival "national front" project and exploit his fame for their own political ends.

For reasons which are still not entirely clear, Borghese ended up accepting this proposal. He may have simply been won over psychologically by all the attention he received from various MSI representatives, as well as by the party’s evocation of certain RSI traditions with which he identified. It is also conceivable-though there is no actual evidence of this—that he was encouraged to accept this invitation by Angleton, who may have modified his original plan to make use of the Black Prince because he felt that a loyal ally within the leadership circles of the MSI could help assure the party’s pro-Atlantic orientation. Whatever the precise reasons, Borghese joined the MSI in November of 1951, and with great fanfare was made Honorary President on 2 December. This proved be an enormous propaganda coup for the party. Borghese was one of the MSI’s most important new recruits, and his well-publicized entry into the party was followed not only by that of many youths who were inspired by his wartime military exploits, but also by additional financial subsidies from certain industrial and agrarian circles.

On 4 December 1951 Borghese made his first postwar public appeal, in which he urged the MSI’s members and supporters to form a compact, disciplined bloc in order to "reestablish the country’s spiritual and material order". He also appealed to veterans and fighting men to join the party and make sacrifices so that "honor, independence, and freedom" could be restored to Italy. The Black Prince’s entry into the MSI had been anxiously anticipated by the party’s leftist and Evolan wings, which expected that he could be enlisted in their struggle against the "soft" bourgeois leaders who were compromising the movement’s principles, pursuing a strategy of insertion into the corrupt democratic party system, and adopting a subservient attitude toward the materialistic Western powers which had defeated and humiliated Italy during and after the war. His combative personality and decision to write an introduction to Evola’s Men Among the Ruins fueled such hopes.

“The fourth German Republic will be born in Argentina.”

Juan Perón

“It’s great that Europe has purified her ground from the Jewish rust; we approve this measure but…Mr. Hitler, send those rubbish somewhere else!”

Cartoon from Argentinian newspaper Clarinada, 1941.

“Our racism must be the racism of blood, the blood that I feel running in my veins, that I feel while it’s flowing, that I can see, analyse and compare with the blood of others. Ours must be the racism of flesh and muscles. And that of the spirit, yes! — but inasmuch as it inhabits those same bodies, which live in this our Country, not a spirit wandering among the uncertain shadows of a manifold tradition or of a fictitious and deceptive universalism. Otherwise, we’ll end up playing in the hands of the halfbreeds and of the Jews; the Jews — who having on so many occasions been able to change their names and successfully blend with us, will be able to feign (even more easily and without the need for costly and laborious practices) a change of spirit and declare themselves to be more Italian than us, and simulate being, and succeed in passing themselves off as such. There is no other certificate which will allow us to put a stop on miscegenation and on Judaism, but the certificate of blood.”

Giorgio Almirante

📢 [PRESS RELEASE] 📢

Following recent events, Aquila Popularis, Unite Sud Perpignan, Novelum Carcassonne, and Bloc Montpelliérain denounce the actions of the French justice system toward the national opposition.

Don't wait any longer and join your city's activist group; putting down roots is the only option that will change the situation.