SEE YOU ON SATURDAY, MAY 10, 2025 IN PARIS!

📢 The march originally commemorated the death of Sébastien Deyzieu of the Œuvre française group, who died on May 9, 1994 after falling from a roof while trying to escape from the police two days earlier, but has become a much larger affair as many nationalists from a broad selection of European nations join in the demonstration to honor the fallen brothers of their own nation's causes. Last year's manifestation gathered some 800 nationalists. 🏴

"This movement, for the most part nationalist-revolutionary and anti-capitalist, has been restructuring for some years now," said Jean-Yves Camus.

@comitedu9mai

Standoff between nationalists and police at the demonstration which lead to the death of Sébastien Deyzieu. May 7, 1994.

Hitler’s anti-capitalism is different from Marxist anti-capitalism. The former sees in the capitalist regime not only a specific system of economic relations, but also the Jew, adding a racist concept to the strict economic concept. The anti-Jewish idea and the anti-capitalist idea are almost one and the same for National Socialism. And, as we have said, the German objectifies his particular problem in Germany, and his socialist concern constantly pursues an ordering process for the benefit of the entire race.

Ramiro Ledesma Ramos, Discurso a las juventudes de España

We are living at a time when the countries of the world are uniting to form world empires. In the struggle for supremacy now being waged the smaller States have no prospect of continuing to live alone. Even Europe, with its impotence and divisions, is in danger of being crushed by the great powers which have grown up on either side. This danger has been averted thanks to the intervention of Germany, and with Germany as its pivot Europe is fast becoming the fifth great power in the world.

Vidkun Quisling

Since 2006, the network Zentropa serves as a transnational forum to convene CasaPound, French figures of the Nouvelle Droite and other European nationalist projects. It has an autonomous branch in Serbia, which identifies its ideology as “revolutionary nationalist”. They want to spread this idea in mainstream society and aim to create a popular nationalist state through revolution.

Omladina 451 is a relatively new collective of the Serbian nationalist scene, which presents itself as the “revolutionary nationalist organization of Serbian youth”. Faced with, as they argue, the devastation of the Serbian nation, the demographic destruction of the Serbian people, and the dictatorship of democratic monotony, their goal is to create a new nationalist vanguard.

t.iss.one/omladina451

📍 Detroit, Michigan

The “revolutionary traditionalism” of Franco Freda (improperly called “Nazi-Maoism” by the Italian press) also resonated in Spain. The French People’s Fight Organization announced, after a similar statement by the Italian Lotta di Popolo, that with their arrival on the peninsula, the European Revolutionary Liaison Committee should see the “underground” birth of a Lucha del Pueblo section, built by members of PENS and Movimiento Social Español. The operation collapsed, as the Spaniards preferred to work with the Avanguardia Nazionale militants.

Nicolas Lebourg

📍Oviedo

In the face of the deindustrialization to which we Asturians are being subjected, we Falangists demand REINDUSTRIALIZATION.

https://x.com/fe_asturias/status/1903749248346194081?s=46

The vast gulf between the
conservative leaders of the MSI, who sought to organize an "international" under their own direction, and the radical youths, who sought, without success, to produce a manifesto which would rally their foreign counterparts and simultaneously satisfy both the "socialist" leftist and the aristocratic and philo-Nazi rightist factions, is described by Mario Giovana, Le nuove camicie nere.

“Apart from popular and democratic sources, we have a whole series of manifestations of fascism to which, despite and beyond its assumption of power, one can and must ascribe a ‘leftist’ character. Despite their leftist vocabulary, however, these actions have always had ‘rightist’ results.”

Luigi Salvatorelli, Nazionalfascismo (1923; reprint, Turin: Einaudi, 1977).

“A clear conception of the authority of the state, of the responsibility of the powers and above all of social justice is necessary. This requires a profound reform, a genuine revolution. This constructive and peaceful revolution must have as a result the disappearance of the wage-earner under the capitalist form, the end of the class struggle with all its manifestations.”

A Frenchman, ‘Destino dell’Europa ed avvenire del mondo,’ Nazionalismo Sociale 1, no. 7 (September-October 1951).

The revolution of the Sorelians, by contrast, developed into a national revolution. Only at the end of his life, when all his works had been written and he looked at the world around him with a deep sense of despair, did Sorel publish in September 1919 his famous epilogue to the fourth edition of Réflexions sur la violence. His hatred for the bourgeoisie and for democracy was so great that he even greeted with shouts of joy the revolution taking place in Russia, which was a rebellion led by professional revolutionaries such as he had disdained all his life. At the same time, he did not disown the use that the Fascists made of his name.

Zeev Sternhell, The Birth of Fascist Ideology

The labor movement interests us only to the degree that it is the bearer of a new culture. If the proletariat trails along in demagogy or egoism, it no longer has any attraction for those who seek the means by which the world is transformed.

Hubert Lagardelle, 1912.

That is why so many Sorelians, like many other people of the Left both before and after the war, slid into fascism. When these leftists of all shapes and colors came to the conclusion that the working class had definitely beaten a retreat, they did not follow it into this attitude. Their socialism remained revolutionary when that of the proletariat had ceased to be so. Having to choose between the proletariat and revolution, they chose revolution; having to choose between a proletarian but moderate socialism and a nonproletarian but revolutionary and national socialism, they opted for the nonproletarian revolution, the national revolution.
Thus, it was quite natural that a synthesis would arise between this new socialism, which discovered the nation as a revolutionary agent, and the nationalist movement, which also rebelled against the old world of conservatives, against the aristocrats and the bourgeois, and against social injustices and which believed that the nation would never be complete until it had integrated the proletariat. A socialism for the whole collectivity and a nationalism that, severed from conservatism, proclaimed itself as being by definition the messenger of unity and unanimity thus came together to form an unprecedented weapon of war against the bourgeois order and liberal democracy.
That was the nature of the synthesis that produced fascism.

Zeev Sternhell, The Birth of Fascist Ideology

COMING SOON:

Imperium Press is proud to announce that Martin Sellner will be joining the ranks of our published authors.

As an activist and champion of the European folks, Martin Sellner needs no introduction. As a thinker and strategist, he is best known for his book Regime Change von Rechts, which we will be publishing as Regime Change from the Right.

In this book, Sellner sketches out a strategic roadmap for us to retake our societies. Civil society, with its ideological and repressive state apparatuses, forms a neutralizing force that diffuses resistance against itself. Sellner shows how we can use metapolitics along with activism to defeat the ruling ideology in a "cultural revolution from the right".

https://martinsellner.substack.com/p/the-endgame-of-civic-nationalism

Sellner has learned to operate successfully in an environment of extreme repression. By joining forces, Imperium Press and and one of the premier dissidents working today will bring his insights to the Anglosphere right, and no doubt will increase its effectiveness dramatically.

Avanguardia Nazionale occupies the Faculty of Law, Rome (1970)

6.2.1970 La Sapienza is the scene of clashes between the Student Movement and the National Vanguard groups that compete for a monopoly on university political life. Assemblies, parades and occupations follow one another in the faculties and often the police or the carabinieri, called by the academic authorities, intervene inside the University City to form a cordon between the opposing factions, disperse the demonstrators or clear the occupied faculties as in this case.

'I don't give a damn' (me ne frego)... sums up a doctrine which is not merely political: it is evidence of a fighting spirit which accepts all risks. It signifies a new style of Italian life. The Fascist accepts and loves life; he rejects and despises suicide as cowardly. Life as he understands it means duty, elevation, conquest; life must be lofty and full, it must be lived for oneself but above all for others, both nearby and far off, present and future.

Benito Mussolini, Political and Social Doctrine of Fascism