Today marks the birthday Ernst Jünger, the Man of the Twentieth Century.
https://counter-currents.com/2023/03/remembering-ernst-junger-9/

“One who criticises capitalism while approving of immigration, of which the working class is its first victim, would do better to remain silent. One who criticises immigration while remaining silent regarding capitalism should do the same.”

Alain de Benoist

For an identitarian Europe! ⚔️🔥

The radicalism of international organizations has also been a failure, ­either ­because they overinvested in the subversive element (such is the case for the Eu­ro­pean Liberation Front) or ­because they became part of the globalizing pro­cess (through proj­ects to unite white nations, from that of the Eu­ro­pean Socialists to that of the apostles of Eurosiberia), whereas the far-­right demand is built on reactions against the advances of globalization.

Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, Far-Right Politics in Europe

“For us, there is no opposition between nationalism and socialism, they are expressions of one and the same power ... unthinkable without each other”

Ernst Jünger, 1929.

Around 1950, still believing in the chances of the M.S.I., Evola wished to give a warrior “bible” to the young militants of that movement: this would be Men among the Ruins, an essay prefaced by Prince Borghese.

Dominique Venner

Generation Remigration was featured on one of Flanders' biggest talk shows, De Afspraak! Remigration becomes mainstream!

The march started and the crowd pushed forward into the streets of Ghent. With drums beating accompanied by an accordion and chants “Europe, Youth, Revolution”, there's no ignoring them.

The heart of European nationalism

The NSV has roots in Flemish nationalism claiming the goal of preserving Flemish culture in an increasingly multicultural Belgium. It has long-standing ties with Vlaams Belang though maintains that it has no affiliation with any political party. During the protest, it was joined by Vlaams Belang's youth wing.

NSV has shifted its focus towards Europe more broadly, emphasizing “white European” identity rather than concentrating solely Flanders. Recently, NSV’s Telegram channel has begun including posts in English and other European languages. The group also frequently reposts activities of other nationalist student organizations across Europe, hinting at a growing global network of these groups online.

https://www.brusselstimes.com/1508702/far-right-figures-from-across-europe-gather-in-ghent-amid-large-police-presence-and-counter-protest

In Western Eu­rope, the radical far right had difficulty surviving the successes of populist movements and turned in on itself, adopting a Eurosiberian thematics that advocated a white and Islamophobic Europe. In Eastern Europe, the race to recapture power paved the way for an institutionalization of Dugin’s theories, integrated into the aims of one circle (though not the innermost) of Vladimir Putin’s power.

Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, Far-Right Politics in Europe

I will say there is one difference between USA and Europe that speaks in Europe's favor.

When Europeans vote for a populist party, they know the party actually sucks. We know we're voting for the (hopefully) lesser evil on the gamble they'll do something right. But, apparently, Americans turn into true believers when they vote for a carnie populist candidate. They jealously cling to their delusions and defend even the dumbest and most destructive things he does.

It's an odd thing. Maybe it's because we've seen this movie before so many times. I don't know.

“The authoritarian and putschist temptation that pervaded the Italian and European fascist world in those years was triggered by the example of the OAS. We lived in a nation with limited sovereignty with the communist threat on our borders. And we thought that a reaction by the armed forces could be a harbinger of healthier, less democratic principles, in the worst sense of the word. And then, I repeat, we were terrified by the communist threat.”

Pino Rauti

On the one hand, since the beginning, the official line of the MSI seemed to support French colonial policy in North Africa, although there were some dissident voices. On the other hand, a pro-Arab stance was alive within the Italian extreme-right constellation due to the anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism found in some circles. All this was strengthened by the support given by some Arab nationalists to Italian fascism during the war. Moreover, Italian fascism, and, specifically, governor of Libya Italo Balbo, had been able to build up some good contacts and relations with parts of the Islamic world in Africa.

However, this backing of Arab nationalism was also because of another, simple, reason: A number of neofascists did not like the victorious nations in World War II and the existing colonial powers including Great Britain and France. This had much to do with Italy’s having experienced the loss of some of its colonial territories. It was both a form of jealousy and revenge. If, for example, Italy lost Libya, France could consequently lose its beloved Algeria.

According to Edmondo Cione’s Europa Sociale, Africa had started a liberation march that could hardly be stopped and that was also (in ideological terms) bound up with international politics. The Arab struggles for liberation were to be placed in the middle of the Cold War contrapositions between east and west. Moreover, the interests of big capital and farmers who had invested in Africa, it was claimed, excessively influenced the western countries. For this reason, they struggled to find the right solution for the African continent.

Europa Sociale, “Le soluzioni di ricambio,” Europa Sociale, 8(12), December 20, 1958–January 20, 1959, pp. 1–2.

Edmondo Cione (1908–1965), jurist and journalist, was an exponent of the left current of neo-fascism. He did not have an active political life until he became a member of the MSI, in 1951. He left the party only two years later, in 1953, because he did not like the nationalist sentiments typical of the MSI and because of the party’s lack of interest in social issues. He continued to publish on themes such as the European identity until his death.

03/29/2025 Berlin 🇩🇪

📢 Europe, Youth, Revolution!

National Revolutionary Youth and Third Way marched through the capital. Europe Awake!

Against the prodigious onslaught of exotic peoples and the birth of anti-white racism, we may well one day need to reconfigure the unity of the civilized world, from Alaska to Siberia. Then European Europe could not define herself against the other white continents. She will, on the contrary, have to become the most solid bond between European Russia and European America.

Jean Mabire, 1965.

French socialism… Our socialism is respect for the spiritual, corporative and syndical traditions of our working class, it is the reintegration of the world of work into the national community.

Our socialism is to give each worker a salary corresponding to his vital needs, to his works, to his national and social role.

Our socialism is the change of human relations in the factory by the communitarian spirit, it is the liberation of the middle classes and the peasantry from the capitalist grip.

Anti-Bolshevik National Revolution poster, Vichy France.

“The new Ministry has no other aim
than to unite the nation behind the ideal of the national revolution.”

Joseph Goebbels, March 1933.

Now is the time not only for the Germans to proclaim, but to realize European socialism on the ruins of Europe. Because in the midst of these ruins, there is still our soul to defend. The worst time is the best time. The decisive social transmutations take place in the middle of the war. It was in the middle of the war that Puritan England, Lutheran Germany, Jacobin France and Leninist Russia, took the decisive steps in the struggle within. It is in the middle of the war, when the Russians advance, that the decidedly European and socialist gestures must be made.

Pierre Drieu La Rochelle