𝑬𝒖𝒓𝒐𝒑𝒆𝒂𝒏 π‘Ίπ’π’„π’Šπ’‚π’π’Šπ’”π’Ž
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Greenland locals refused to participate in the PR exercise by US Vice President JD Vance and his Indian wife Usha.

Keep your brown capitalist hands off Greenland!

β–Ί Europa Revival
πŸ‘28❀2
β€œWe are not socialists first. (...) We are first and foremost ourselves, that is, men of a certain land, of a certain people, of a certain civilization. And we are socialists because we are Europeans. Recognizing Europe not as an abstract idea, but as a geographical, historical and ethnic reality. But this European reality, blood links between all Europeans, whether from the east or west, north or south (...), these links force us to consider all Europeans as our brothers. And that's socialism. (...) One cannot be a nationalist without necessarily being a socialist.”

Jean Mabire
⚑24πŸ‘2
He was committed to the creation of an awareness of the vital and ancestral sources of the French and European peoplesβ€”their languages, customs, arts, festivals, myths, and popular traditionsβ€”in order to unearth and reengage the link with its deepest roots. From this also derived Mabire’s interest in and promotion of those throughout history who succeeded as β€œawakeners of peoples,” in the sense of playing individual roles in the revitalization of the primal and communal sources. He wrote, for example, a biography (published by Terre et Peuple) of Patrick Pearse, who believed that an β€œenslaved nation” like Ireland could not die as long as its ancient spiritual tradition, expressed in language, folklore, literature, music, art, and social customs, β€œlived in the heart of one faithful man or woman.” To Mabire, Pearse’s political and cultural combat for the liberation of the Irish nation was inherently Identitarian.

JosΓ© Pedro ZΓΊquete, Identitarians
⚑15
He viewed the carnal homelands, as rooted and living entities, as the best ramparts against the universalism of the times. Hence Mabire’s defense of a Europe of regions, decentralized, respectful of their organic communities, contrary to the abstract and oppressive technocracy of the European Union. In this defense, he was hardly alone. The Breton Yann FouΓ©rΓ©, for example, in his Europe of a Hundred Flags, claimed such an alternative and regionally based project for Europe that valued the respective natural communities to which Europeans belong. At the same time, as was noted at the time of Mabire’s death, in 2006, this engagement for a Europe of Regions bears a close resemblance within the French Identitarian milieu to a β€œEurope of Ethnicities, Europe of Peoples, or Europe of carnal homelands, all very similar.” This is true because all are based on a rooted, fundamentally ethnic view that, when expanded to all of Europe, translates into the common ethnohistorical destiny of the European peoples.
πŸ‘14❀1
β€œOne who criticises capitalism while approving of immigration, of which the working class is its first victim, would do better to remain silent. One who criticises immigration while remaining silent regarding capitalism should do the same.”

Alain de Benoist
⚑32πŸ‘4πŸ‘1
The radicalism of international organizations has also been a failure, Β­either Β­because they overinvested in the subversive element (such is the case for the EuΒ­roΒ­pean Liberation Front) or Β­because they became part of the globalizing proΒ­cess (through projΒ­ects to unite white nations, from that of the EuΒ­roΒ­pean Socialists to that of the apostles of Eurosiberia), whereas the far-Β­right demand is built on reactions against the advances of globalization.

Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, Far-Right Politics in Europe
πŸ‘10πŸ—Ώ2πŸ‘Œ1
β€œFor us, there is no opposition between nationalism and socialism, they are expressions of one and the same power ... unthinkable without each other”

Ernst JΓΌnger, 1929.
❀27πŸ‘8
Around 1950, still believing in the chances of the M.S.I., Evola wished to give a warrior β€œbible” to the young militants of that movement: this would be Men among the Ruins, an essay prefaced by Prince Borghese.

Dominique Venner
πŸ”₯18
Media is too big
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Generation Remigration was featured on one of Flanders' biggest talk shows, De Afspraak! Remigration becomes mainstream!
⚑14
The march started and the crowd pushed forward into the streets of Ghent. With drums beating accompanied by an accordion and chants β€œEurope, Youth, Revolution”, there's no ignoring them.

The heart of European nationalism


The NSV has roots in Flemish nationalism claiming the goal of preserving Flemish culture in an increasingly multicultural Belgium. It has long-standing ties with Vlaams Belang though maintains that it has no affiliation with any political party. During the protest, it was joined by Vlaams Belang's youth wing.

NSV has shifted its focus towards Europe more broadly, emphasizing β€œwhite European” identity rather than concentrating solely Flanders. Recently, NSV’s Telegram channel has begun including posts in English and other European languages. The group also frequently reposts activities of other nationalist student organizations across Europe, hinting at a growing global network of these groups online.

https://www.brusselstimes.com/1508702/far-right-figures-from-across-europe-gather-in-ghent-amid-large-police-presence-and-counter-protest
⚑12🫑4
In Western EuΒ­rope, the radical far right had difficulty surviving the successes of populist movements and turned in on itself, adopting a Eurosiberian thematics that advocated a white and Islamophobic Europe. In Eastern Europe, the race to recapture power paved the way for an institutionalization of Dugin’s theories, integrated into the aims of one circle (though not the innermost) of Vladimir Putin’s power.

Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, Far-Right Politics in Europe
πŸ‘8
I will say there is one difference between USA and Europe that speaks in Europe's favor.

When Europeans vote for a populist party, they know the party actually sucks. We know we're voting for the (hopefully) lesser evil on the gamble they'll do something right. But, apparently, Americans turn into true believers when they vote for a carnie populist candidate. They jealously cling to their delusions and defend even the dumbest and most destructive things he does.

It's an odd thing. Maybe it's because we've seen this movie before so many times. I don't know.
πŸ’―14
β€œThe authoritarian and putschist temptation that pervaded the Italian and European fascist world in those years was triggered by the example of the OAS. We lived in a nation with limited sovereignty with the communist threat on our borders. And we thought that a reaction by the armed forces could be a harbinger of healthier, less democratic principles, in the worst sense of the word. And then, I repeat, we were terrified by the communist threat.”

Pino Rauti
🫑14
On the one hand, since the beginning, the official line of the MSI seemed to support French colonial policy in North Africa, although there were some dissident voices. On the other hand, a pro-Arab stance was alive within the Italian extreme-right constellation due to the anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism found in some circles. All this was strengthened by the support given by some Arab nationalists to Italian fascism during the war. Moreover, Italian fascism, and, specifically, governor of Libya Italo Balbo, had been able to build up some good contacts and relations with parts of the Islamic world in Africa.

However, this backing of Arab nationalism was also because of another, simple, reason: A number of neofascists did not like the victorious nations in World War II and the existing colonial powers including Great Britain and France. This had much to do with Italy’s having experienced the loss of some of its colonial territories. It was both a form of jealousy and revenge. If, for example, Italy lost Libya, France could consequently lose its beloved Algeria.

According to Edmondo Cione’s Europa Sociale, Africa had started a liberation march that could hardly be stopped and that was also (in ideological terms) bound up with international politics. The Arab struggles for liberation were to be placed in the middle of the Cold War contrapositions between east and west. Moreover, the interests of big capital and farmers who had invested in Africa, it was claimed, excessively influenced the western countries. For this reason, they struggled to find the right solution for the African continent.

Europa Sociale, β€œLe soluzioni di ricambio,” Europa Sociale, 8(12), December 20, 1958–January 20, 1959, pp. 1–2.
⚑10❀3
Edmondo Cione (1908–1965), jurist and journalist, was an exponent of the left current of neo-fascism. He did not have an active political life until he became a member of the MSI, in 1951. He left the party only two years later, in 1953, because he did not like the nationalist sentiments typical of the MSI and because of the party’s lack of interest in social issues. He continued to publish on themes such as the European identity until his death.
πŸ”₯10
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03/29/2025 Berlin πŸ‡©πŸ‡ͺ

πŸ“’ Europe, Youth, Revolution!

National Revolutionary Youth and Third Way marched through the capital. Europe Awake!
⚑33🫑3πŸ—Ώ3