Forwarded from Europa Revival πͺπΊ π¦
Greenland locals refused to participate in the PR exercise by US Vice President JD Vance and his Indian wife Usha.
Keep your brown capitalist hands off Greenland!
βΊ Europa Revival
Keep your brown capitalist hands off Greenland!
βΊ Europa Revival
π28β€2
βWe are not socialists first. (...) We are first and foremost ourselves, that is, men of a certain land, of a certain people, of a certain civilization. And we are socialists because we are Europeans. Recognizing Europe not as an abstract idea, but as a geographical, historical and ethnic reality. But this European reality, blood links between all Europeans, whether from the east or west, north or south (...), these links force us to consider all Europeans as our brothers. And that's socialism. (...) One cannot be a nationalist without necessarily being a socialist.β
Jean Mabire
Jean Mabire
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He was committed to the creation of an awareness of the vital and ancestral sources of the French and European peoplesβtheir languages, customs, arts, festivals, myths, and popular traditionsβin order to unearth and reengage the link with its deepest roots. From this also derived Mabireβs interest in and promotion of those throughout history who succeeded as βawakeners of peoples,β in the sense of playing individual roles in the revitalization of the primal and communal sources. He wrote, for example, a biography (published by Terre et Peuple) of Patrick Pearse, who believed that an βenslaved nationβ like Ireland could not die as long as its ancient spiritual tradition, expressed in language, folklore, literature, music, art, and social customs, βlived in the heart of one faithful man or woman.β To Mabire, Pearseβs political and cultural combat for the liberation of the Irish nation was inherently Identitarian.
JosΓ© Pedro ZΓΊquete, Identitarians
JosΓ© Pedro ZΓΊquete, Identitarians
β‘15
He viewed the carnal homelands, as rooted and living entities, as the best ramparts against the universalism of the times. Hence Mabireβs defense of a Europe of regions, decentralized, respectful of their organic communities, contrary to the abstract and oppressive technocracy of the European Union. In this defense, he was hardly alone. The Breton Yann FouΓ©rΓ©, for example, in his Europe of a Hundred Flags, claimed such an alternative and regionally based project for Europe that valued the respective natural communities to which Europeans belong. At the same time, as was noted at the time of Mabireβs death, in 2006, this engagement for a Europe of Regions bears a close resemblance within the French Identitarian milieu to a βEurope of Ethnicities, Europe of Peoples, or Europe of carnal homelands, all very similar.β This is true because all are based on a rooted, fundamentally ethnic view that, when expanded to all of Europe, translates into the common ethnohistorical destiny of the European peoples.
π14β€1
Forwarded from Counter-Currents
Today marks the birthday Ernst JΓΌnger, the Man of the Twentieth Century.
https://counter-currents.com/2023/03/remembering-ernst-junger-9/
https://counter-currents.com/2023/03/remembering-ernst-junger-9/
Counter-Currents
The Man of the Twentieth Century: Remembering Ernst JΓΌnger (March 29, 1895βFebruary 17, 1998)
4,070 words Hungarian translation here; Czech translation here Audio version: To listen in a player, use the one below or click here. To download the mp3, right-click here and choose βsave link asβ or βsave target as.β If I could choose to be anyone fromβ¦
π«‘12
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For an identitarian Europe! βοΈπ₯
β‘23
The radicalism of international organizations has also been a failure, Βeither Βbecause they overinvested in the subversive element (such is the case for the EuΒroΒpean Liberation Front) or Βbecause they became part of the globalizing proΒcess (through projΒects to unite white nations, from that of the EuΒroΒpean Socialists to that of the apostles of Eurosiberia), whereas the far-Βright demand is built on reactions against the advances of globalization.
Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, Far-Right Politics in Europe
Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, Far-Right Politics in Europe
π10πΏ2π1
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Generation Remigration was featured on one of Flanders' biggest talk shows, De Afspraak! Remigration becomes mainstream!
β‘14
The march started and the crowd pushed forward into the streets of Ghent. With drums beating accompanied by an accordion and chants βEurope, Youth, Revolutionβ, there's no ignoring them.
The heart of European nationalism
The NSV has roots in Flemish nationalism claiming the goal of preserving Flemish culture in an increasingly multicultural Belgium. It has long-standing ties with Vlaams Belang though maintains that it has no affiliation with any political party. During the protest, it was joined by Vlaams Belang's youth wing.
NSV has shifted its focus towards Europe more broadly, emphasizing βwhite Europeanβ identity rather than concentrating solely Flanders. Recently, NSVβs Telegram channel has begun including posts in English and other European languages. The group also frequently reposts activities of other nationalist student organizations across Europe, hinting at a growing global network of these groups online.
https://www.brusselstimes.com/1508702/far-right-figures-from-across-europe-gather-in-ghent-amid-large-police-presence-and-counter-protest
The heart of European nationalism
The NSV has roots in Flemish nationalism claiming the goal of preserving Flemish culture in an increasingly multicultural Belgium. It has long-standing ties with Vlaams Belang though maintains that it has no affiliation with any political party. During the protest, it was joined by Vlaams Belang's youth wing.
NSV has shifted its focus towards Europe more broadly, emphasizing βwhite Europeanβ identity rather than concentrating solely Flanders. Recently, NSVβs Telegram channel has begun including posts in English and other European languages. The group also frequently reposts activities of other nationalist student organizations across Europe, hinting at a growing global network of these groups online.
https://www.brusselstimes.com/1508702/far-right-figures-from-across-europe-gather-in-ghent-amid-large-police-presence-and-counter-protest
The Brussels Times
Far-right figures from across Europe gather in Ghent amid large police presence and counter protest
Thursday evening saw the progressive Flemish city of Ghent become a venue for an ultranationalist student march, a rally for the far-right that was met with counter-protests and clashes that required intervention from riot police.
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In Western EuΒrope, the radical far right had difficulty surviving the successes of populist movements and turned in on itself, adopting a Eurosiberian thematics that advocated a white and Islamophobic Europe. In Eastern Europe, the race to recapture power paved the way for an institutionalization of Duginβs theories, integrated into the aims of one circle (though not the innermost) of Vladimir Putinβs power.
Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, Far-Right Politics in Europe
Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, Far-Right Politics in Europe
π8
Forwarded from GTK Radio (Guide to Kulchur)
I will say there is one difference between USA and Europe that speaks in Europe's favor.
When Europeans vote for a populist party, they know the party actually sucks. We know we're voting for the (hopefully) lesser evil on the gamble they'll do something right. But, apparently, Americans turn into true believers when they vote for a carnie populist candidate. They jealously cling to their delusions and defend even the dumbest and most destructive things he does.
It's an odd thing. Maybe it's because we've seen this movie before so many times. I don't know.
When Europeans vote for a populist party, they know the party actually sucks. We know we're voting for the (hopefully) lesser evil on the gamble they'll do something right. But, apparently, Americans turn into true believers when they vote for a carnie populist candidate. They jealously cling to their delusions and defend even the dumbest and most destructive things he does.
It's an odd thing. Maybe it's because we've seen this movie before so many times. I don't know.
π―14
βThe authoritarian and putschist temptation that pervaded the Italian and European fascist world in those years was triggered by the example of the OAS. We lived in a nation with limited sovereignty with the communist threat on our borders. And we thought that a reaction by the armed forces could be a harbinger of healthier, less democratic principles, in the worst sense of the word. And then, I repeat, we were terrified by the communist threat.β
Pino Rauti
Pino Rauti
π«‘14
On the one hand, since the beginning, the official line of the MSI seemed to support French colonial policy in North Africa, although there were some dissident voices. On the other hand, a pro-Arab stance was alive within the Italian extreme-right constellation due to the anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism found in some circles. All this was strengthened by the support given by some Arab nationalists to Italian fascism during the war. Moreover, Italian fascism, and, specifically, governor of Libya Italo Balbo, had been able to build up some good contacts and relations with parts of the Islamic world in Africa.
However, this backing of Arab nationalism was also because of another, simple, reason: A number of neofascists did not like the victorious nations in World War II and the existing colonial powers including Great Britain and France. This had much to do with Italyβs having experienced the loss of some of its colonial territories. It was both a form of jealousy and revenge. If, for example, Italy lost Libya, France could consequently lose its beloved Algeria.
According to Edmondo Cioneβs Europa Sociale, Africa had started a liberation march that could hardly be stopped and that was also (in ideological terms) bound up with international politics. The Arab struggles for liberation were to be placed in the middle of the Cold War contrapositions between east and west. Moreover, the interests of big capital and farmers who had invested in Africa, it was claimed, excessively influenced the western countries. For this reason, they struggled to find the right solution for the African continent.
Europa Sociale, βLe soluzioni di ricambio,β Europa Sociale, 8(12), December 20, 1958βJanuary 20, 1959, pp. 1β2.
However, this backing of Arab nationalism was also because of another, simple, reason: A number of neofascists did not like the victorious nations in World War II and the existing colonial powers including Great Britain and France. This had much to do with Italyβs having experienced the loss of some of its colonial territories. It was both a form of jealousy and revenge. If, for example, Italy lost Libya, France could consequently lose its beloved Algeria.
According to Edmondo Cioneβs Europa Sociale, Africa had started a liberation march that could hardly be stopped and that was also (in ideological terms) bound up with international politics. The Arab struggles for liberation were to be placed in the middle of the Cold War contrapositions between east and west. Moreover, the interests of big capital and farmers who had invested in Africa, it was claimed, excessively influenced the western countries. For this reason, they struggled to find the right solution for the African continent.
Europa Sociale, βLe soluzioni di ricambio,β Europa Sociale, 8(12), December 20, 1958βJanuary 20, 1959, pp. 1β2.
β‘10β€3
Edmondo Cione (1908β1965), jurist and journalist, was an exponent of the left current of neo-fascism. He did not have an active political life until he became a member of the MSI, in 1951. He left the party only two years later, in 1953, because he did not like the nationalist sentiments typical of the MSI and because of the partyβs lack of interest in social issues. He continued to publish on themes such as the European identity until his death.
π₯10
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03/29/2025 Berlin π©πͺ
π’ Europe, Youth, Revolution!
National Revolutionary Youth and Third Way marched through the capital. Europe Awake!
π’ Europe, Youth, Revolution!
National Revolutionary Youth and Third Way marched through the capital. Europe Awake!
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