Brendan Simms on how Hitler's dispute with the Strasserists had nothing to do with economics, as many subversives trying to misrepresent Hitler as a defender of capitalism claim.

The dispute was on what is now called 'Third Worldism' - the idea that Germany should ally itself with non-White nationalists against European (particularly Anglo-Saxon) imperialism.

Hitler did not moralfag against Aryan superiority or colonialism, and neither should you.

From Bombs to Books, and Back Again? Mapping Strategies of Right-Wing Revolutionary Resistance
by Jacob Aasland Ravndal

This article begins by outlining four post-WWII strategies of right-wing revolutionary resistance: vanguardism; the cell system; leaderless resistance; and metapolitics. Next, the article argues that metapolitics became a preferred strategy for many right-wing revolutionaries during the 2000s and early 2010s, and proposes three conditions that may help explain this metapolitical turn: limited opportunities for armed resistance; a subcultural style shift; and new opportunities for promoting alternative worldviews online.

The end of the Cold War and the dismantling of authoritarian regimes in Western Europe changed the strategic context for the European revolutionary right. This change of operating environment influenced the motives, target selection, and mobilization opportunities of today’s activists.

Bjarne Karlsen, a policeman in Stavanger, and first leader of the GSSN in Rogaland county, came to the conclusion in 1944 that he was a member of the Germanic SS Norway and not the Hird because to him ‘European unity’ was needed to withstand the ‘Jews and all other racial aliens who with all means seek to destroy the Germanic tribes.’ The pan-European SS was, as he saw it, an organisation promoting a European community transcending ‘artificial’ borders.

All large enterprises and corporations are regarded as problematic, while “consumer communities, cooperative village inns, which issue a dividend in the form of a community feast, and farms, which supply their small investors with free food (return on shares)” are idealised. East Germany has been selected as the testing ground for such anti-capitalist dreams. After all, Kaiser argues, surveys show that 75 percent of East Germans are in favour of a socialist system, but believe it has never been correctly implemented.

Following Otto Strasser, the leader of the “left-wing National Socialists”, Kaiser proposes the concept of a “hereditary fiefdom” that could replace private ownership. Accordingly, the state would remain the sole owner of land and means of production, leaving the management to the individual “according to ability and worthiness as a hereditary fiefdom”.

Rainer Zitelmann, ‘The rise of the anti-capitalist Right in Germany’

New European nationalism

We must not create Europe but only strengthen it, because Europe is us and all those European volunteers who in every way and by all means defend the European limes from the nefarious choices of their ruling classes in Italy, France, Germany and above all in Ukraine. A new European nationalism is being born.

https://www.kulturaeuropa.eu/2025/03/25/nuovo-nazionalismo-europeo/

Relentless activity has shifted the AfD from being initially a neoliberal party to being a crypto-neo-Nazi one. Today the AfD includes:

* the semifascist Identitarian Movement;
* Dresden’s street fighters or Pegida whose leader, Pegida-Gründer Bachmann, likes to dress up as Hitler;
* the Reichsbürger or Sovereign Citizens organization;
* right-wing student fraternities;
* and Germany’s more outspoken National Socialist party, the NPD.

Within the AfD as well as the JA, “nobody was politically correct and nobody was concerned that members of the semifascist Identitarian Movement [IB]” were part of the JA.

AfD members began to see the political enemy everywhere; Schreiber says this fostered a “They are all against us” mentality. The crypto-fascists of the IB and the real National Socialists of the NPD encouraged such attitudes in the AfD. Schreiber writes that one of the AfD leaders, Sören Oltersdorf, saw himself as “social-nationalist”; he participated in NPD and IB meetings. Increasingly the party saw politics as a “David-against-Goliath war in which we needed to band together against the lying press.” Political isolation increased as some within the AfD started to issue anti-Semitic statements. Others fancied themselves as “neo-Nazi hipsters,” and “Völkischer nationalism” grew within the AfD. Many spoke of “honor, Fatherland, Volk, and our heroes of the past”—meaning Hitler’s Wehrmacht. Much of this led to “successive radicalization.”

https://youtu.be/HPJEQYZQ5v8

Christian De La Mazière is the self-possessed young man in Marcel Ophuls's movie The Sorrow and the Pity who admits to having been a fascist during the war. As a result of his appearance in the movie de la Mazière decided to write The Captive Dreamer, a compelling memoir of his life from 1944 to 1947.

In 1944 de la Mazière, the twenty-four-year-old son of a prominent general and diplomat, worked for Le Pays Libre, a fascist newspaper in Paris. As he begins to explain in The Sorrow and the Pity, he had progressed from his inherited romantic-aristocratic nationalism to the vision of a glorious future presented by National Socialist propaganda. Through heroic self-sacrifice he hoped to become part of a revolution against big business and other selfish elements in society. With the victory of the allied armies unquestionable and imminent, an old friend offered de la Mazière the chance to switch sides and join a resistance group; instead of accepting, he volunteered for the French division of the Waffen SS.

“In his personal life, Faye was a proponent of free sexual expression, which he sometimes linked to pre-Christian forms of morality. He identified with the spirit of paganism without being part of any movement to revive it as a living religion. Faye did not, however, limit his alliances. He was happy to make common cause with traditional Christians, royalists, young Catholics, neo-pagans, and even Americans if they shared his love for Europe and the people who created it.”

Jared Taylor, American Renaissance, March 11, 2019

"You want a group of well trained political soldiers, just like the SS. They were the ideal soldiers."

Del O'Connor

Gioventù Nazionale Marino returns to the territory with an event on the extraordinary figure of Adriano Romualdi: intellectual, journalist and university professor who in the years of the opposition between the USA and the USSR was able to imagine the Europe of the future: sovereign, independent, armed, proud. At a time when the international panorama forces European nations to rethink their role in history, we find the thought of Adriano Romualdi more relevant than ever, more than 50 years after his death. For this reason we are proud to name our club after him as a sign of hope and rebirth for our small homeland in the great European homeland, for a dream that thousands of young people have been shouting at the top of their lungs for 80 years: EUROPA, NAZIONE, RIVOLUZIONE!🇾🇪

Joel Davis discusses the necessity for the Right to prioritise defending the White race as a central strategy to effectively counter the Left, emphasising the importance of addressing the prevailing anti-White ideology, which he views as the root cause behind most problems in today’s corrupted Western society.

https://arktos.com/2023/11/16/white-advocacy-as-a-political-paradigm-the-case-for-focusing-on-race/

🚫FCK AFA

👉🏻 Casual România

Such a casual ‘style’ is very popular among both the UltraS and the Italian neo-fascist youth. Instead of the black bomber jacket or the Doc Martens boots of the stereotypical European extreme right groups, the UltraS wear expensive jackets, such as those made by the English company, Stone Island, or Aquascutum labels or the Italian CP Company.

Alberto Testa and Gary Armstrong, Football, Fascism and Fandom: The UltraS of Italian Football