Financially backed by the MSI, who printed their posters and lended them its logo—the three-colored flame—the FN prepared its ranks for the legislative elections of March 1973. Unsurprisingly, the sparse slogans that punctuated its campaign belonged to the register of protest: “Let’s rid ourselves of the power usurpers!”; “Let’s stand in the Popular Front’s way!”; “Get angry with the National Front!” The FN purported to want to “bring down communism, bring down the UDR (Democrats’ Union for the Republic), bring down the majority.” As Jean-Yves Camus underlined, the new party’s public platform was “the result of […] a compromise between revolutionary nationalism and conservatism.”

Grégoire Kauffmann, The Origins of the National Front

“I don't trust anyone that hasn't been to jail at least once in their life. You should have been, or something's the matter with you.”

John Waters

🗓📍5 APRIL - ASCOLI PICENO

‼️ Student demonstration against the repression of nationalists; against the foreign occupation of Europe.

🏴🔥 Italian youth takes to the streets to make their voices heard!

👉🏻 Stay connected

bloccostudentesco.org

In the last several years, the scene in Eastern and Central Europe has been increasingly influenced by ideas from the modern Italian non-fascist radical right, such as those promoted by the Zentropa website and the Italian subcultural youth movement CasaPound, which endorse new social approaches to right-wing radicalism, focusing on the protection of European populations from global capitalism.

Today, the Patriots — formerly I&D — have regained the upper hand and third place in parliament with 84 seats, thanks in particular to the additions of Fidesz members, and Vox, which left ECR. More importantly, ECR and the Patriots now have a total of 162 seats, which means that a hypothetical alliance between the two far-right formations would give them a much greater say in European decisions than in the last mandate.

A formal alliance between ECR and the Patriots might appear unattainable, as it would presuppose a standardization of their strategies, including geopolitical ones, while significant divergences remain between the two groups—such as their divergent responses to Russia’s war in Ukraine. However, an agreement in principle on certain key issues (notably on immigration, women’s reproductive rights, or the rights of the LGBT community) would enable the two groups to coordinate their votes to move in the same direction.

Such a negotiation, if it were to take place, would presuppose the existence of effective channels of communication between the leadership of the two groups—that is, between Meloni and Bardella. The following article is set against this backdrop, revealing the existence of a network that acts as a bridge between the French and Italian far right, exemplified by Frédéric Chatillon.

While former Groupe Union Défense (GUD) leader Chatillon was the longtime adviser and communications guru of Marine Le Pen , since 2014 he has expanded his political and business operations from France into Italy—principally via his organizations Riwal Italia, Gruppo Edda, and Squadra Digitale. His proximity to Le Pen and his growing influence in Italian far-right circles make him the ideal actor to play the role of liaison between the two factions.

https://www.illiberalism.org/the-french-group-union-defense-and-the-italian-far-right-part-ii-the-chatillon-matrix/

On 23 March 1919, in Piazza Sansepolcro in Milan, "the most audacious, the most revolutionary, the most European and Mediterranean of ideas" was born

Happy birthday Fascism!

IN THE MIDDLE AGES OF EUROPE, numerous knightly orders emerged, their esoteric secrets kept only for the initiates. Their adepts were steeped in the prowess of warriors, but had a strict code of honour and piety that governed their conduct. The practice of these virtues was the aim of chivalry, and the goal was nothing less than the transformation of the knight into a type of fighting ascetic seeking the Holy Grail.

World of Tradition Films and PhilosophiCat Present a Cat Weiss feature-length documentary on knighthood in the Middle Ages of Europe.

“Italians and Germans must find their way to an agreement. We are still in time to create, united with our allies, the New Europe.”

Felice Bellotti, Avanguardia Europea, 18 March 1944.

“We come to thank this man for the most European, most Mediterranean, most original of ideas.”

Giulio Tam

Germany proceeded to reorganise labour and the economy by means of the ‘corporatist’ reconstruction of businesses. We shall not dwell on this aspect of the Third Reich’s legislation, because we have already spoken of it in faulting the defects of Fascist state corporatism. Let us therefore recall only that the reform had for its virtual model the Medieval organic and corporatist structures, which various exponents of the ‘national revolution’ reappraised and adopted as a precursor and as the foundation of a ‘third way’ beyond degenerate capitalism and Marxism.

Julius Evola

“No one can have looked forward to the national revolution of this year with greater longing than myself.”

Oswald Spengler, Hour of Decision

The only dictatorship we acknowledge is that of the will and intelligence. Therefore, I hope that this assembly will agree to the resolution that accepts the economic demands advanced by the national syndicalists. With this compass as our guide, we shall quickly succeed in creating a number of Fasci di Combattimento. Tomorrow we shall coordinate their activity simultaneously in all the centers of Italy. We are not static people; we are dynamic, and we intend to take our rightful place, which must always be in the vanguard.

Benito Mussolini, 23 March 1919.