Gabriele Adinolfi pens a message to all the European nationalists that found themselves cheering on the invasion of Europe.

https://radicaldose.com/to-the-lost-boys-in-samarkand/

Radical Dose

In Syria today there is no government but a clique of cutthroats who have taken power. The same ones that the Syrian people have fought for fourteen years.

Self-proclaimed cutthroats as president, murderers as ministers, criminals dressed as gendarmes. Fanatics with the power of authority and impunity. The massacre against religious minorities continues.

We ask everyone to spread the word. So that the cry of pain of the Syrian people resonates throughout the world.

🇸🇾 European Front for Syria

Rockin' swastikas 'cause all my niggas' Nazis
Reading Mein Kampf, 2 chapters 'fore I go to sleep

I was never a Salazarist, and probably not for the same reasons as the screaming opposition parties, rather as a basis of my fascist principles and subsequent observation of the facts.

Florentino Goular Nogueira, Vanguarda n°7, 1970.

Zarco Moniz Ferreira and the Portuguese radical right-wing between authoritarianism and democracy: a biographical approach
by Riccardo Marchi, Tiago Pinto

In the 1960s and 1970s, Portugal witnessed a cycle of political radicalisation on the right and left, in the context of the crisis and fall of the authoritarian Salazarist regime, and the transition to democracy after the military coup of 1974. For the right wing, radicalisation was led by young university students inspired by the Portuguese nationalism of the first half of the 20th century, but also by foreign doctrines from the inter-war period, and by the neo-fascist subculture immediately after the second world war. This article explores the mobilisation of this radical subculture, with its links to the Estado Novo and the European far right, through a bibliographical appreciation of one of its best-known leaders, nationally and internationally: Zarco Moniz Ferreira.

NORDIC BROTHERS

In Finland we trust! 🇫🇮

Active Club Denmark 🤝 Active Club Finland

Traditionally, third-way ideologies have been associated with an economic program that rejects both the free market and the state economy. Instead, they entailed “a strong, organic, hierarchically organized corporatist state, with a leader at the top”. Particularly during the Cold War the “Third Way” was a neutral economic and political position, opposing both American liberalism and Soviet socialism. Both the third way label and its positions have been popular among many ideological groups, including extreme right circles such as national revolutionaries and solidarists. However, some populist radical right parties have also flirted with it; the Belgian VB used to support a “solidaristic” model, the Greek Hellenism Party (KE) called for a democratic model where “the economy is in the hands of the demos, i.e. the people,” the Italian MS-FT presents itself as “the national-popular alternative to liberal-capitalism,” while the Polish LPR supports “national solidarism”

Cas Mudde, Populist radical right parties in Europe

“I do not plead guilty; I believe that I acted as an intellectual and a man, a Frenchman and a European should have acted. At this moment, I am not answering to you, but, and according to my rank, to France, to Europe, to man.”

Pierre Drieu La Rochelle

The Right is intrinsically the political and ideological embodiment of perennial values, albeit tempered by the landscape and the historical experiences that go to form a ‘people’ and a ‘civilization’. As Westerners concerned with either the regeneration of Western High Culture or bequeathing perennial values that might contribute to the emergence of a post-Western High Culture of the European peoples, Western Rightists look to their own heritage. While this should seem too obvious to mention, given the manner in which Western culture has been deconstructed, and the Western heritage buried or distorted, especially by academia, what was once obvious in an education system predicated on Western heritage, is today more difficult to discern. The Right draws on this legacy beyond the modern world in its search for origins. Indeed a ‘conservative revolution’ implies a return to origins.

Bizarrely, the Right is often identified with ideologies that are antithetical to what is traditional. Liberalism and English Whiggery are not ‘Right’. Capitalism and Free Trade are not ‘Right’. Julius Evola and Oswald Spengler as much as Karl Marx saw these as ‘subversive’; the first two men took a critical view of them, the latter considered them as part of the historical dialectic. Thus a pseudo-Right, also called ‘neoconservatism’, looks for inspiration not in the High Culture of the West, what Spengler called the ‘Spring’ epoch, but to the Late West – Western Civilization in its terminal epoch of senility and decay.

https://arktos.com/2023/06/24/dante-alighieri-and-the-philosophy-of-right/

15.3.2025 🇩🇪 Essen

German youth demonstration for Remigration in the city of Essen

Europe awake!

From this Waffen-SS originated what could be called ‘the first European army’ toward the end of the Second World War. Himmler approved the idea, which was first formulated by Paul Hausser and then taken up by Gottlob Berger, of recruiting divisions of the Waffen-SS with volunteers from all nations under the banner of the struggle against Communist Russia and in defence of Europe and its civilisation. This was the restoration of the function that the Order of Teutonic Knights had in the beginning as guardian of the East and, at the same time, of the spirit that had animated the Freikorps, the voluntary groups that, on their own initiative, had fought against the Bolsheviks in the eastern regions and the Baltic countries after the end of the First World War.

J. Evola, Notes on the Third Reich

03/16/2025 Riga 🇱🇻

Waffen-SS veteran Edgars Veveris, 101, leads the parade on Legionnaire's Day, a memorial to the Latvian SS Legion. In 1998, this commemorative day became official and was recognized by the government. Today, due to controversies fueled by anti-fascists, the government no longer participates in the commemorations.

The programme of Doriot’s PPF displayed the same cosmetic features designed to attract elusive working-class support, while proposing a corporatist economic framework in which small businesses would be defended against cartels and nationalised monopolies. Intellectuals such as Drieu la Rochelle and Bertrand de Jouvenel used the party’s paper, L’Emancipation Nationale, to elaborate this vision of a new society which would be a ‘third way’ between capitalism and communism.