πͺπͺ Hitlerβs ascension to power was greeted with enthusiasm. The Veterans were practically alone in viewing the βNational Revolutionβ in Germany in a positive manner. VΓ΅itlus interpreted it as βdefinite affirmation that in the near future European peoples will one after another rapidly free themselves from the obsolete system of government which sustains political corruption, disorder, and avarice.β Hitlerβs success in Germany was seen as significant for Estonia in the sense that it was βsymptomatic for our near future: with the collapse of the power of the political parties, a genuine peopleβs government will come to power.β
π₯35β‘8β€1πΏ1
Forwarded from Les Lansquenets π΄
#Russia #SmolenskCenter #FutureOfRussia #Interview π₯ π·πΊ
The future of Russia π·πΊ: an interview you cannot missβοΈ
As we mark another anniversary of the invasion of Ukraine πΊπ¦ the question of Russia's future looms larger than ever. What lies ahead for this vast nation at the heart of global tensions?
π On 3rd March 2025 at 15:30 CET, Kultura Europa together with Les Lansquenets brings you an exclusive online interview that dives into these pressing questions.
π Featuring π:
β‘οΈ Gabriele Adinolfi & Giancarlo Ferrara
β‘οΈ In dialogue with Vadim Sidorov, Russian dissident and Deputy of the Smolensk Center.
This is more than just a talk; itβs a deep dive into the political, social, and cultural crossroads Russia faces today. Donβt miss this opportunity to hear unique perspectives from Russian dissident, who is working on these subjects from many years.
Share this postβοΈBe with usβοΈSee you on 03.03.2025βοΈ
π΄Les Lansquenetsπ΄
The future of Russia π·πΊ: an interview you cannot missβοΈ
As we mark another anniversary of the invasion of Ukraine πΊπ¦ the question of Russia's future looms larger than ever. What lies ahead for this vast nation at the heart of global tensions?
π On 3rd March 2025 at 15:30 CET, Kultura Europa together with Les Lansquenets brings you an exclusive online interview that dives into these pressing questions.
π Featuring π:
β‘οΈ Gabriele Adinolfi & Giancarlo Ferrara
β‘οΈ In dialogue with Vadim Sidorov, Russian dissident and Deputy of the Smolensk Center.
This is more than just a talk; itβs a deep dive into the political, social, and cultural crossroads Russia faces today. Donβt miss this opportunity to hear unique perspectives from Russian dissident, who is working on these subjects from many years.
Share this postβοΈBe with usβοΈSee you on 03.03.2025βοΈ
π΄Les Lansquenetsπ΄
β‘15π3β€1
Fascism is a combination of fascio and fasces β a group of dedicated individuals committed to building a strong βtotalitarianβ state in the name of the primacy of the nation. Mussolini made it entirely clear that he intended βto destroy the old Italy of decadent liberalism and democracy and give birth to a young, virile, new Italy.β Having abandoned the idea of social revolution, he fully embraced the notion of national revolution aimed at upending the international status quo.
This was behind the notion propagated by the fascists that Italy was a βproletarian nationβ β a relatively backward country subordinate to the great European βplutocraticβ nations (most notably Great Britain), which prevented Italy from realizing its economic potential and status as a great power. The ensuing conflict was one between the core and periphery. This notion was later adopted by Latin American economists, such as Raul Prebisch, the first secretary-general of the UN Conference on Trade and Development, to explain Latin Americaβs relative βbackwardness.β Thus, it is hardly surprising that prominent Latin American populist leaders such as Juan PerΓ³n and, to a limited degree, Jorge EliΓ©cer GaitΓ‘n were impressed by fascism, even if the latter considered Mussolini a βridiculousβ figure.
Mussoliniβs goal was for Italy to catch up economically and militarily and to turn the country into a major world power. This was reflected in fascist economic policy, centered upon central planning, heavy regulation and protectionism. Given fascismβs ideational roots, it was hardly surprising that it was profoundly hostile to economic individualism, laissez-faire liberalism and capitalism, even if Mussolini was forced to make compromises on the economic front.
In general, fascist economic policy was pure socialism, as was its promotion of social welfare. As Sheri Berman puts it, fascism in the 1930s βspoke to the social and psychological needs of citizens to be protected from the ravages of capitalism at a time when other political actors were offering little help.β Fascism proposed a βnational socialistβ solution to the hardship experienced by ordinary citizens β a solution that was hardly original. The French Boulangist deputy and prominent writer Maurice BarrΓ¨s had advanced a similar program as early as the 1890s in an attempt to appeal to working-class voters in his electoral district, the town of Nancy in Lorraine.
https://www.fairobserver.com/region/europe/history-fascism-benito-mussolini-italian-world-history-italy-latest-news-64928/
This was behind the notion propagated by the fascists that Italy was a βproletarian nationβ β a relatively backward country subordinate to the great European βplutocraticβ nations (most notably Great Britain), which prevented Italy from realizing its economic potential and status as a great power. The ensuing conflict was one between the core and periphery. This notion was later adopted by Latin American economists, such as Raul Prebisch, the first secretary-general of the UN Conference on Trade and Development, to explain Latin Americaβs relative βbackwardness.β Thus, it is hardly surprising that prominent Latin American populist leaders such as Juan PerΓ³n and, to a limited degree, Jorge EliΓ©cer GaitΓ‘n were impressed by fascism, even if the latter considered Mussolini a βridiculousβ figure.
Mussoliniβs goal was for Italy to catch up economically and militarily and to turn the country into a major world power. This was reflected in fascist economic policy, centered upon central planning, heavy regulation and protectionism. Given fascismβs ideational roots, it was hardly surprising that it was profoundly hostile to economic individualism, laissez-faire liberalism and capitalism, even if Mussolini was forced to make compromises on the economic front.
In general, fascist economic policy was pure socialism, as was its promotion of social welfare. As Sheri Berman puts it, fascism in the 1930s βspoke to the social and psychological needs of citizens to be protected from the ravages of capitalism at a time when other political actors were offering little help.β Fascism proposed a βnational socialistβ solution to the hardship experienced by ordinary citizens β a solution that was hardly original. The French Boulangist deputy and prominent writer Maurice BarrΓ¨s had advanced a similar program as early as the 1890s in an attempt to appeal to working-class voters in his electoral district, the town of Nancy in Lorraine.
https://www.fairobserver.com/region/europe/history-fascism-benito-mussolini-italian-world-history-italy-latest-news-64928/
β‘18π₯°2
Forwarded from Division Galicia κ
Visegrad backstabbing Ukraine for Israel
Ukraine is probably the most anti Israel country in Europe, along with Ireland, but the dissident right fags will always spin the truth
Ukraine is probably the most anti Israel country in Europe, along with Ireland, but the dissident right fags will always spin the truth
π36π€¬6π2π₯°1
The purity and intensity Brasillach attributed to the actions taken and the sacrifices made by the victims of the failed coup meant to him that the events of February 6, 1934, represented a collective, tragic experience which could not be prolonged in history as such but which had to be memorialized, and perpetuated as myth: βEvery year we go to the Place de la Concorde and place violets in front of this fountain become cenotaph ... in memory of the twenty-six deaths. Every year the crowd diminishes, because French patriots are forgetful by nature. Revolutionaries alone have understood the sense of myths and ceremonies.β
π20β‘8β€3π₯1
βUnitΓ© franΓ§aise et unitΓ© allemandeβ (in Socialisme fasciste) indicates that Drieu la Rochelle was in principle willing, or at least he found it amusing to imagine and assert that he was willing, to pay almost any price so that European unification could be accomplished. If βlinguistic imperialism is the limit of Germany, the Alps of Germany,β then Germany should be allowed, should even be encouraged to establish its borders in this fashion, for the Anschluss itself could be considered a positive step in the direction of not only German but also European unification: βI am for the Anschluss and, if need be, for the suppression of Belgium and Switzerland. After that, we will see more clearly in Europe. ... And Europe will not be far from being madeβ.
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π§π¬π΄ Our comrades translated a speech that was given at this year's Lukov March - enjoy!
β€27π₯8β‘2
It is understandable that in its early days socialism turned to the State, even the theoretically democratic but actually bourgeois State, to obtain from it a minimum of aid and protection. But socialism was impregnated by the same spirit as the capitalism against which it was rising up. It too bathed in the democratic atmosphere of the nineteenth century and never grasped clearly the idea of what the true State had to be, namely a strong State, capable of instigating the revolution.
This new function of the State has only been realized and understood, and the new State has only been constructed, by the first European revolutions, and first and foremost by Germany. [...] The great novelty of the German State, the Third Reich, is that it succeeded in being both authoritarian and popular, so that it no longer expressed class interests, and offered something much better than a compromise between the interests of rival classes, or a precarious and constantly challenged balance between antagonistic forces. That was precisely the dangerous stage which our democracy had reached, leading to a visible paralysis of public institutions, a lack of authority, the breakdown of the State.
Marcel DΓ©at, The State and the Revolution, LβΓuvre, 1/3, Nov. 1943.
This new function of the State has only been realized and understood, and the new State has only been constructed, by the first European revolutions, and first and foremost by Germany. [...] The great novelty of the German State, the Third Reich, is that it succeeded in being both authoritarian and popular, so that it no longer expressed class interests, and offered something much better than a compromise between the interests of rival classes, or a precarious and constantly challenged balance between antagonistic forces. That was precisely the dangerous stage which our democracy had reached, leading to a visible paralysis of public institutions, a lack of authority, the breakdown of the State.
Marcel DΓ©at, The State and the Revolution, LβΓuvre, 1/3, Nov. 1943.
π₯11π2
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Nationalist black bloc Berlin 22.02.25
π©πͺπ΄ Free, Social, National !
π©πͺπ΄ Free, Social, National !
β‘63π1π1π«‘1
Forwarded from Dutch Dissident
π©πͺ Gathering of German Nationalists in Berlin:
On the evening of the German election, hundreds off German nationalist youths gathered, dressed in black. Chants of "if you don't love Germany, leave" were heard.
β‘οΈ DutchDissident
On the evening of the German election, hundreds off German nationalist youths gathered, dressed in black. Chants of "if you don't love Germany, leave" were heard.
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