''There was a form of government in Europe, in modern times, between the years 1933 and 1945, which was capable of throwing off the very chains which bind the Irish people to a destiny of death today. And unless we reach for the key that they turned in the lock, then we are not reaching for the key that will work, and we are willing to die, rather than be embarrassed, or have 'bad optics'.''
~ Justin Barrett on National Socialism

We are socialists because we see the social question as a matter of necessity and justice for the very existence of a state for our people, not a question of cheap pity or insulting sentimentality. The worker has a claim to a living standard that corresponds to what he produces. We have no intention of begging for that right… Since the political powers of the day are neither willing nor able to create such a situation, socialism must be fought for. It is a fighting slogan both inwardly and outwardly. It is aimed domestically at the bourgeois parties and Marxism at the same time, because both are sworn enemies of the coming workers’ state. It is directed abroad at all powers that threaten our national existence and thereby the possibility of the coming socialist national state.

Joseph Goebbels

🇮🇹 Young Italians in Southern Italy night of activism

The PCN condemns 'Left and Right nationalism which divide Europe and are thus consciously or not anti-European', and rejects 'micro-regional nationalisms which are chimerical and noxious to the European cause', although it does favour 'regionalist movements which are capable of getting integrated within the framework of the European Nation' (Thiriart). Nevertheless, the PCN treats Europe as if it were itself a nation, envisaging Europe as 'a unitary nation, a common country' (Parti communautaire national-européen).

Third Way Discourse: European Ideologies in the Twentieth Century
by Steve Bastow

The 'Third Way' has been hailed by European social democrats as the ideology of the 'radical centre'. Steering a route between state collectivism on the one hand, and market-led neo-liberalism on the other. But third way thinking is not a new phenomenon, and nor is it exclusively of the left. Similar ideas were developed throughout the twentieth century and across the political spectrum, from fascism to ecologism. This book introduces the history of third way ideology, surveys its various contrasting forms and locates it within the context of a recurrent crisis of modern European ideologies. Third Way ideas seek to displace received ideological dichotomies and fashion a sense of common moral purpose and identity at times of accumulated social dislocation.

Includes chapters on New Labour, Italian Liberal Socialism, Ecologism, and Neo-Fascism. Explores the relationship between current third way theory and radical politics.

➡️ Percossa

Not all cultures are equal.

Although the Finnish branch was important to the Nordic Resistance Movement, there was an ideological divide between Sweden and Finland that occasionally caused friction. While the SMR represented a Hitler-loyal, old-fashioned right-wing National Socialism, the Finnish organization was more divided. Parts of the FMR advocated neo-fascism, the so-called Third Position, and had contacts with the fascist squatter organization Casa Pound in Italy. In the eyes of Swedish traditionalists, this is Strasserism or left-wing National Socialism, which is seen as an internal enemy in the movement. In Finland, the Oulu branch was strictly National Socialist, while the fascist falange was strong in the south, especially in Turku and Helsinki. The Turku activists, led by Ali Kaurila, tried to tone down the resistance movement's harsh National Socialism since the beginning.

- They had plans to found their own organization, but chose to join FMR instead. This led to them pursuing their own line within the resistance movement. Within the Swedish Resistance Movement, anyone who was perceived as a left-wing National Socialist was weeded out, but within FMR this orientation was so strong that it was reluctantly accepted. “At first, I myself was strongly against the fascist elements, but there was not much I could do,” said Holappa.

In 2011, the FMR held a seminar in Helsinki to which they had invited Italian neo-fascists from Casa Pound, German autonomous nationalists from the Freie Nationale Strukturen, and conservative right-wing National Socialists from the Swedish Resistance Movement. Within the movement, the seminar was just a registration matter, but ideologically it was a strange mix. The Swedes had never allowed any of their members to arrange something like this. The Italian and German guests represented the internal enemies. But the Finnish branch was too important to the movement for the Swedes to have taken up the matter.

As long as the Finnish organization was active, and they outwardly advocated National Socialism, it was not a major problem if there were different ideologies internally.

https://yle.fi/a/7-1046829

The liberal establishment, bound to obsolete frameworks — echoing The Leopard’s maxim, “everything must change so nothing does”—remains incapable of addressing today’s geopolitical transformation. The supposed “clash” between the Global South and the West is a misdirection; what we witness is a structural reconfiguration of geo-economics and geo-energy into a fragmented, multi-aligned order. The U.S. and China now form a binuclear system, while Europe, technologically dependent and strategically adrift, struggles for relevance.

Globalization oscillates between hyperconnectivity and regional autonomy, with states paradoxically reclaiming domestic authority while ceding sovereignty over digital and financial domains. Liberal elites, fixated on ideological distractions, have alienated both economic blocs and their own societies, leaving a vacuum filled by two strains of populism: one demagogic and self-defeating, the other pragmatic and adaptive.

"We must abandon many of the ballast-like preconceptions we have become accustomed to over time, which fossilize us and cover us with mold, often turning us into GMO creatures wagging our tails behind someone else’s pipers."

As the U.S. prioritizes unilateral strategic dominance over multilateral consensus, Europe faces a defining choice: remain captive to eroding norms or construct its own archaeofuturist paradigm — one that fuses heritage with innovation, breaking free from both American and Chinese models. Systemic change arises not through reaction but through synthesis.

Europe must act — or be acted upon.
DEFEND EUROPE!

We acknowledge our colleague Adinolfi for his article - The Trumpian lesson.

Nation Europa | Share news

“I do not consider myself a Nazi, but a national revolutionary.”

Erik Blücher

After the huge success of the presale of the tickets for resum25, we are launching the official ticket sales!

📅 Saturday, 17th of May

📍 Milan, Italy

Get your ticket now ➡️ remigrationsummit.com

Some of our colleagues took part in the Intermarium column at the Day of Restoration of the Lithuanian state in the capital Vilnius.

We personally see the Intermarium alliance as the future for central and Eastern Europe sovereignty.

🇱🇹🤝🇱🇻🤝🇪🇪🤝🇵🇱🤝🇺🇦

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