We officially launched the flag
β¬DEFEND EUROPEβ¬
faithβ¦οΈtraditionβ¦οΈculture
and no one cares..
Order privately or on the website:
β‘οΈhttps://radical-entourage.ro
β¬DEFEND EUROPEβ¬
faithβ¦οΈtraditionβ¦οΈculture
and no one cares..
Order privately or on the website:
β‘οΈhttps://radical-entourage.ro
π15β‘4β€3π2β1
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βI honestly think that Hitler was a good guy based upon my own research, not my public education indoctrination. I really do think before Hitler got on meth, he was a guy Iβd go fishing with. He fought for his country. He wanted to purify it by kicking the greedy Jews out that were destroying his country and turning them all into gays. They were gaying out the kids. They were queering out the women, queering out the dudes.β
Bryce Mitchell
Bryce Mitchell
π45β‘5π₯1π₯°1π1
Forwarded from Nick Griffin
X suspends the main account of veteran Italian nationalist movement Forza Nuova. Elon Musk's "free speech absolutism" carries terms and conditions, and criticism of NATO (unless it's saying more money should be spent with the US military-industrial complex) and Israel are against the unwritten rules.
There's quite a few neo-Nazi scarecrow groups and individuals still on X, because (perhaps unwittingly) they serve the purposes of the Deep State.
But the purge of the serious people which began in the English accounts is now being rolled out across the board.#freespeech #censorship
There's quite a few neo-Nazi scarecrow groups and individuals still on X, because (perhaps unwittingly) they serve the purposes of the Deep State.
But the purge of the serious people which began in the English accounts is now being rolled out across the board.#freespeech #censorship
π14π₯5
American youth by the millions will be conscripted into armies to be sent to Asia and Europe to fight the battle of world Communism, unless a powerful Christian nationalism arises to cast out the alien-thinking minority in Washington.
Francis Parker Yockey, βThe Tragedy of Youth,β Social Justice, 1939.
Francis Parker Yockey, βThe Tragedy of Youth,β Social Justice, 1939.
π32β€βπ₯2β‘2
Forwarded from Eurosiberia
βNew Rightβ or New Culture?
The following is a translation of the first chapter of Pour une renaissance culturelle (βFor a Cultural Renaissanceβ) (1979) written by Pierre Vial. Vial explains how the term "New Right" was applied to his group by the media during an intense press campaign in 1979, though they preferred to call themselves the "New Culture."
Read it here:
https://nouvelledroite.substack.com/p/new-right-or-new-culture
The following is a translation of the first chapter of Pour une renaissance culturelle (βFor a Cultural Renaissanceβ) (1979) written by Pierre Vial. Vial explains how the term "New Right" was applied to his group by the media during an intense press campaign in 1979, though they preferred to call themselves the "New Culture."
Read it here:
https://nouvelledroite.substack.com/p/new-right-or-new-culture
π13
There was a degree of activism in and around football in the late 1970s and early 1980s by the Third Way NF (National Front) and its later associates such as Combat 18. This was contested in leaflet campaigns and music festivals by the left-leaning Anti-Nazi League and the far-left Socialist Workers Party. Despite the presence of nationalist sympathizers at a number of grounds around the country on matchday, often selling copies of the NF magazine Bulldog, none of this came to any large-scale fruition compared to what seemed to have been occurring elsewhere in parts of Western Europe; or what was to occur in parts of Eastern Europe after 1989 and the demise of the Soviet bloc. As these differences developed, however, one issue did still link the various genres of βhooliganismβ, and that was a willingness to resist the impositions of the powerful.
β‘23β€1
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1.2.2025 Sofia π§π¬
Memorial March for the victims of the Bulgarian communist regime, soon β‘οΈ Lukov March
Memorial March for the victims of the Bulgarian communist regime, soon β‘οΈ Lukov March
β‘40π«‘5π4β€3π1
In marked contrast to the mediocre conduct of the Peronista party is that of the UCN and the courageous Emilio Gutierrez Herrero. At whatever cost to himself this man and his loyal comrades have attacked the triple, satanic creations of Jewry - Masonry, Communism, and Finance-Capitalism. For so doing, Gutierrez Herrero has undergone police persecution, detention, and now exile from his beloved Argentina. All this at the hands of a regime which was thought to be becoming one- of-us. With the greatest deliberation, we of the FRONT stand shoulder-to-shoulder with Gutierrez Herrero and the UNION CIVICA NACIONALISTA. O u r a i m s a r e t h e s a m e - OUR ENEMIES ARE THE SAME!
A. Gannon, βArgentine Enigma?,β Frontfighter, No. 11, April 1951.
A. Gannon, βArgentine Enigma?,β Frontfighter, No. 11, April 1951.
β€13π«‘2
view 10.pdf
1.5 MB
βWe are the European Nationβ
by Francesca Mascanzoni
This thesis explores different neo-fascist perspectives on the European unification process as well as on the development of a form of European identity in the 1950s and 1960s. More precisely, the research focuses on Italian and French neo-fascist magazines and actors and adopts a transnational and intellectual historical approach. Attention is also devoted to the non-European influences on the development of such neo-fascist ideas.
by Francesca Mascanzoni
This thesis explores different neo-fascist perspectives on the European unification process as well as on the development of a form of European identity in the 1950s and 1960s. More precisely, the research focuses on Italian and French neo-fascist magazines and actors and adopts a transnational and intellectual historical approach. Attention is also devoted to the non-European influences on the development of such neo-fascist ideas.
π11
π¬πππππππ πΊππππππππ
view 10.pdf
I had noticed many similarities between fascism and Peronist populism and, especially after reading a book that assessed the influence of Italian fascism on Peronism, I began to wonder if Peronism, in turn, could have had any influence on the development of Italian neo-fascism. The main similarity that I could find between Italian neo-fascism and Peronism was that both political ideologies were characterized by a strong belief in a so-called βthird wayβ. Neither Peron nor Italian neo-fascists liked the Cold War division of the world into two blocks, as they both thought that this would have forbid them to freely express their ideas. In a sense, they feared to be cancelled from history. I started being more interested in this idea of a βthird wayβ: what was it exactly? How was it defined by the neo-fascists?
Time passed, I did an internship in Rome, and, in March 2020, coronavirus made its appearance in Europe. At that point, I realized that my research had to be scaled down as it would have been very hard to have access to Argentinian sources. This was not too much of a problem, though, because at that point I was already very interested in focusing on Italian neo-fascist ideas about the βthird wayβ, which, I understood, was mostly identified with Europe. I decided to focus on Italy as well as on France because, as Andrea Mammone has demonstrated, the exchanges between neo-fascist groups in the two countries have always been intense and fruitful in terms of ideological developments, therefore I considered those two countries as potentially very interesting for a study of the neo-fascist conceptions of Europe. Also, both countries have been characterized by the significant presence of two of the most important neo-fascist parties in the history of post Second World War Europe, namely the Movimento Sociale Italiano and the Front National. Although the two parties will not be analyzed in this thesis, their presence in the countries considered certainly proves the centrality of France and Italy for a research on neo-fascism. Therefore, the main question underlying this thesis is the following: how was Europe conceived of by part of the European neo-fascist universe, in Italy and France, in the period between the early 1950s and late 1960s?
Time passed, I did an internship in Rome, and, in March 2020, coronavirus made its appearance in Europe. At that point, I realized that my research had to be scaled down as it would have been very hard to have access to Argentinian sources. This was not too much of a problem, though, because at that point I was already very interested in focusing on Italian neo-fascist ideas about the βthird wayβ, which, I understood, was mostly identified with Europe. I decided to focus on Italy as well as on France because, as Andrea Mammone has demonstrated, the exchanges between neo-fascist groups in the two countries have always been intense and fruitful in terms of ideological developments, therefore I considered those two countries as potentially very interesting for a study of the neo-fascist conceptions of Europe. Also, both countries have been characterized by the significant presence of two of the most important neo-fascist parties in the history of post Second World War Europe, namely the Movimento Sociale Italiano and the Front National. Although the two parties will not be analyzed in this thesis, their presence in the countries considered certainly proves the centrality of France and Italy for a research on neo-fascism. Therefore, the main question underlying this thesis is the following: how was Europe conceived of by part of the European neo-fascist universe, in Italy and France, in the period between the early 1950s and late 1960s?
β€10
Forwarded from GYM XIV
It's time Lads! Kontrakultur III
Once again Gym XIV invite serious nationalists around the globe for a day full of counterculture. This year spectrum of seminars is astonishing. Everything from the most influencial Tradwifes, musicians, powerlifters and organizers from nationalist groups from all of the European world.
A variety of challenges for the the once with power of will. Of course you will try to push yourself in the bench and in pull-ups. But will you try a ice cold Scandinavian leap of faith? A great social gathering for networking and to meet artists and purchasing the latest gear and clothes directly from the manufacturers. Or why not something handcrafted from the craftsmen themselfs? And a lot more
Two years ago the first Kontrakultur poored gasoline on the flame that Rundo lit of Fitnessfascism and Active Clubs. And the Scene has never been the same since.
Once again we gather in the gym. To gain strength and willpower. Once again we meet up and form the bonds that is needed to break the spells of the modern world.
You maybe talk about counterculture. Now is the time to be a part of it!
You need to be verified through @ContactXIV
Follow the instructions and you will gain access to the event.
300:- SEK in entry fee. CASH ONLY π΅
π Sweden πΈπͺ
XIV π΄ββ οΈ
Once again Gym XIV invite serious nationalists around the globe for a day full of counterculture. This year spectrum of seminars is astonishing. Everything from the most influencial Tradwifes, musicians, powerlifters and organizers from nationalist groups from all of the European world.
A variety of challenges for the the once with power of will. Of course you will try to push yourself in the bench and in pull-ups. But will you try a ice cold Scandinavian leap of faith? A great social gathering for networking and to meet artists and purchasing the latest gear and clothes directly from the manufacturers. Or why not something handcrafted from the craftsmen themselfs? And a lot more
Two years ago the first Kontrakultur poored gasoline on the flame that Rundo lit of Fitnessfascism and Active Clubs. And the Scene has never been the same since.
Once again we gather in the gym. To gain strength and willpower. Once again we meet up and form the bonds that is needed to break the spells of the modern world.
You maybe talk about counterculture. Now is the time to be a part of it!
You need to be verified through @ContactXIV
Follow the instructions and you will gain access to the event.
300:- SEK in entry fee. CASH ONLY π΅
π Sweden πΈπͺ
XIV π΄ββ οΈ
π₯12π1π1
βCorporatism became the βrevolutionaryβ myth of the regime, and functioned as such in raising both the international and internal profile of fascism, convincing many foreign observers and commentators of the seriousness of its universal mission to change the world, and persuading many university-educated young Italians that the regime, after a decade in power, had not lost its βrevolutionaryβ Γ¨lan.β
Philip Morgan, βCorporatism and the economic order,β in The Oxford Handbook of Fascism (2010).
Philip Morgan, βCorporatism and the economic order,β in The Oxford Handbook of Fascism (2010).
β‘26π1
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For many years now, Lukovmarsh has not only been the most important event on the calendar of Bulgarian nationalists, but also an event of importance for national circles throughout Europe. Every year, nationalists from different European nations arrive in Sofia to honor the memory of General Hristo Lukov and together to demonstrate the solidarity of European nationalists in the fight for the salvation of our identity, culture and civilization.
This year, we will also welcome guests from many European countries and our friendly organizations, with whom we have been cooperating for a long time. We are glad that even before Lukovmarsh 2025, we received videos from several of our partners in which they express their support for the event. In the coming days, we will share these videos with you.
π©πͺπ€π§π¬ The first video is from Junge Nationalisten, the youth organization of the Die Heimat (Homeland) party from Germany. We thank our German colleagues for their support. Danke, Kameraden!
π₯ DEFEND EUROPE π₯
This year, we will also welcome guests from many European countries and our friendly organizations, with whom we have been cooperating for a long time. We are glad that even before Lukovmarsh 2025, we received videos from several of our partners in which they express their support for the event. In the coming days, we will share these videos with you.
π©πͺπ€π§π¬ The first video is from Junge Nationalisten, the youth organization of the Die Heimat (Homeland) party from Germany. We thank our German colleagues for their support. Danke, Kameraden!
π₯ DEFEND EUROPE π₯
π€22π3
Per Engdahl (1909β1994) was the founder, in 1941, of the New Swedish Movement. Engdahl always supported the idea of a European fascism and had connections beyond Sweden. He also was very much in favour of corporatism, which he considered as βtrueβ socialism as it was aimed at overcoming class struggle.
Their symbol, as we see on their little pin, is the three arrows βchasing each otherβs tailsβ where the arrows symbolize agriculture, industry and trade. According to Engdahl, these three are the most important of the corporations and therefore the dynamic and organic connection between these industries.
Their symbol, as we see on their little pin, is the three arrows βchasing each otherβs tailsβ where the arrows symbolize agriculture, industry and trade. According to Engdahl, these three are the most important of the corporations and therefore the dynamic and organic connection between these industries.
β€13π₯1
The consolidation of Swedish fascism that was established through the NSNP/SNSP in 1930 did not last. Birger FurugΓ₯rd managed to keep the party together until January 1933, when the ideological and personal antagonisms that had been built into the party from the start, became decisive. On 13 January Sven Olov Lindholm and a number of his closest followers were excluded from the SNSP. This was countered the next day by the formation of the National Socialist Labour Party (Nationalsocialistiska Arbetarepartiet, NSAP) under the leadership of Lindholm.
Sweden now had two major fascist parties, both outspokenly national socialist in outlook, and even if the main reason for the split was disagreements on a personal level, an ideological split was also discernible. Bluntly put, the SNSP can be said to have placed a stronger emphasis on 'national' in national socialism and the NSAP on 'socialism', thus splitting the two parties along a left-right divide within the fascist framework.
Sweden now had two major fascist parties, both outspokenly national socialist in outlook, and even if the main reason for the split was disagreements on a personal level, an ideological split was also discernible. Bluntly put, the SNSP can be said to have placed a stronger emphasis on 'national' in national socialism and the NSAP on 'socialism', thus splitting the two parties along a left-right divide within the fascist framework.
π13π₯1
On the issue of the rightβleft scale of political ideologies and fascism, I fully agree that fascism cannot be placed in this scheme. It is left and right at the same time, trying to create a βThird Wayβ in politics. Thus, to use the heading βExtreme Rightβ to include fascism, is wrong.
Lena Berggren, βSwedish Fascismβ
Lena Berggren, βSwedish Fascismβ
β€27π₯4