"Archeofuturism is about using new technologies to revitalize much older traditions. It is the fusion of tradition and innovation. In a way, everyone engages in Archeofuturism. If we use modern communication tools to promote our origins, heritage, and traditions, then we are practicing a form of Archeofuturism."

Jean-Yves Le Gallou

Germany for Germans, foreigners out!

The European soul is marked by a longing for the future, a sign of youthfulness. To put it shortly, it is historial and imaginal (it constantly envisages future history according to a plan). In art, too, European civilisation has been the only one in which forms have undergone constant renovation and all cyclical return of past models has been banned. The spirit of artworks must remain unchanged (the archaic pole) but their form must always change (the futurist pole). The European soul is defined by ongoing creation and invention – the poiesis of the Greeks – while being always aware of the fact that in its direction and values it must remain faithful to tradition.

Guillaume Faye, Archeofuturism

Suspension of immigration and encouragement of re-emigration hang together, logically and humanly, as two aspects of the same approach.

Enoch Powell

Read books; don't burn them.

“We will open a new front for the national and social liberation of the people. All wheels come to a halt when my blue arm moves into action.”

Jürgen Elsässer

BBC EXPOSED - Full Interview - COVERT Recording
Last week I was invited to participate in an interview with the BBC in relation to a forthcoming documentary aimed at ‘exposing’ anti-migrant activists. I attended that interview and recorded it all – now you can hear the full recording and find out the BBC’s true agenda.
HEAR THE FULL RECORDING:
ODYSEE: https://odysee.com/@MarkCollett:6/20250117---BBC-Exposed:a
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The Ba’ath party offers the unique case of being the only Pan-Arab political party (if we make an exception in the very original case of the Syrian Popular Party – Translator’s note: Better known as the SSNP today) to have tried to elaborate a truly “national-revolutionary” doctrine with a certain degree of coherence, thanks to the political and historical analyses of its founder and leader, Michel Aflaq (a Greek-Orthodox Syrian), firstly in numerous articles disseminated, and above all, in the complete volume “Fi sabîl al-Ba’as,” published in Damascus in 1959, at the time of the Syrian-Egyptian Union, within the United Arab Republic.

This “Arab socialism” only attracts the classical Marxist response: “Petit-bourgeois populism!” “Social fascist demagogy!”
In any case, Ba’athist socialism is identical to the socialism of all the Fascist type movements and Aflaq limits himself to distinguishing himself from the Western Fascist thinkers (despite his hostility to “ideologies foreign to the Arab world” which he mostly did to fend off Communism), while refusing the Marxist divides of the class struggle.

https://institutenr.org/2016/10/28/the-baath-ideology-and-history-francois-duprat-1973/

Fratelli d’Italia is “postfascist”: It distances itself from the Mussolini era, but defends the postwar record of the MSI, from which most of its leaders hail. In particular, it honors the MSI as a “social” right-wing party that “always stood up for the poorest.”

"The Nationalist does not need followers but militants who are defined by their doctrine, not in their relation to a man. He does not fight for a pseudo-savior, for the savior is found within himself. Those who a take the helm can disappear or make mistakes and they are replaced; the value of the cause is not tainted by this. The militants sacrifice themselves for their ideas, not for a man. An organization must be a community of militants, not someone’s personal property."

Dominique Venner, For a Positive Critique

“For the 1973 legislative elections we are currently preparing a national front with nearly all of the personalities that make up the national opposition.”

François Duprat, December 1971.

The Origins of the National Front
by Grégoire Kauffmann

Created in October 1972, the French National Front (FN) finds its origins in the “revolutionary nationalism” ideology upheld by the young neo-fascist activists of the movement Ordre Nouveau (New Order). These devotees of violence used the Celtic cross as their insignia. Their agenda, hostile to the “bourgeois order,” consisted of a few key ideas inspired by the German conservative revolution of the interwar period and the European fascist dictatorships: the defense of the West, a fear of mingling and of otherness, and the search for a “third way” between communism and capitalism.

At this time, the FN was still passionately in favor of European unity, and Jean-Marie Le Pen went so far as to imagine “limited ways of abandoning sovereignty,” and, on a military level, “the coordination of French and British forces.”

Born on April 16 1935, the son of an ardent supporter of the fascist, anti-Semitic Parti Populaire Français, Venner became a member of the neo-fascist Jeune Nation and Jeune Europe groups during the 1950s, taking part in an attack on the headquarters of the French Communist Party in November 1956.

He had returned from two years’ service in the bloody Algerian war only the previous month, and in 1961 he joined the Organisation de l’Armée Secrète (OAS), a paramilitary group which launched a campaign of assassinations and bombings to prevent Algeria breaking free from French colonial rule. The campaign culminated in an assassination attempt on the French president General de Gaulle. As a result of his membership Venner spent 18 months in La Santé prison. By the time he was released in 1962, the war in Algeria was over.

On his release from prison, Venner wrote Pour une critique positive (“Towards a positive critique”), a sort of fascist equivalent of Lenin’s What is to be done? (written in response to the abortive Russian Revolution of 1905). He called for a “European” nationalism based on Leninist principles, with the creation of a single revolutionary and nationalist organisation which would be “monolithic and hierarchical” and composed of young “disciplined and devoted” militants.

In 1963, with Alain de Benoist, he founded a movement and magazine called Europe-Action, which he later led. Europe-Action presented itself as a think-tank to bring a new ideological vigour to Right-wing nationalist thinking. In the 1960s it was strong in Paris and in towns and cities in the south of France where many Pieds Noirs had settled, serving as an intellectual forum for a rag-bag of interests, including former members of Jeune Nation and the OAS, self-proclaimed fascists, residual Vichyites and anti-Semites.

Describing themselves as militants of the “white nation”, the members of Europe-Action stressed the shared identity of “white peoples” and elaborated a pseudo-scientific racism which they used to vilify black and Arab immigrant workers in France and justify support for white minority regimes in Rhodesia and South Africa. Among other things, Venner founded the Comité France-Rhodesie to give support to the regime of Ian Smith. He also went on to found the publishing house Éditions Saint-Just, which operated in tandem with Europe-Action, and became involved in several other Right-wing groups including the ethno-nationalist Research and Study Group for European Civilisation, or GRECE.

https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/10214897/Dominique-Venner.html

One who as a “reactionary” against the future is only for the “tradition” has the same aversion to meditation as do those who blindly believe in what is new and through the latest achievements already sense themselves satisfactorily confirmed in relation to the past.

Martin Heidegger

Gautagung of the National Socialist Factory Cell Organization (NSBO) in Salzburg under the motto "Against Jewish Marxism for German Socialism" in 1932.

At the heart of multipolarity lies ethnopluralism – the recognition that distinct peoples cannot be blended into a single identity without destroying what makes them unique. Ethnopluralism opposes the liberal dream of the “melting pot,” viewing it as a forced amalgamation of disparate cultures. Instead, it argues for the coexistence of separate communities, each displaying its characteristics within its own boundaries.

Europe’s current discontent provides a stark lesson. The riots and social unrest in nations like France and Belgium are not isolated incidents but signs of a deeper crisis. These conflicts reveal the failure of forced multicultural integration, which has ignored the fundamental differences between communities. A more sustainable path forward lies in setting up autonomous regions where specific ethnic groups can live in accordance with their own traditions, free from external pressures. This model recalls the decentralized nature of the Holy Roman Empire, which united different regions under a common spiritual framework without obliterating their unique characteristics. This respect for local autonomy fostered resilience and ethnocultural preservation, qualities that resonate with the tenets of multipolarity. 

The French political theorist Guillaume Faye’s vision of Archeofuturism brings this idea into the modern era. He proposes a synthesis of ancient traditions with forward-looking innovation. This vision combines the timeless veneration of heritage with the opportunities presented by technological progress. It aligns with multipolarity by advocating a world that honors the wisdom of the past while engaging with the issues of the present. Faye’s model offers a way to move forward without abandoning the foundations that support all civilizations.

https://www.rt.com/news/611069-west-centric-world-order-doomed/

That worker, poor and unknown, became the greatest political and social builder of modern times ...that simple corporal who has swept away, from the Vistula to the Gironde, the most pretentious of generals and marshals ...statesman, strategist, grandiose poet... in saving Europe, he will save us. Heil Hitler!

Léon Degrelle, "Salut à 1941", Le Pays réel, January 1, 1941.