%5B22116257%20-%20Fascism%5D%20Federalist%20Fascism.pdf
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Federalist Fascism: The New Right and the French Revolution
by Nicolai von Eggers
This article analyses the New Rightβs understanding of the French Revolution. Since the most prominent intellectual of the New Right, Alain de Benoist, frames βJacobinismβ as the New Rightβs main enemy, the New Right may be understood as a counter-tradition to what it understands as Jacobinism. De Benoist defines Jacobinism as an ideology that makes people essentially equal and identical by means of the state. Against this, he posits what he calls βfederalismββa project which aims at promoting and defending ethnic, cultural and other differences. We should understand this as a βfederalist fascismβ: instead of mass parties and an authoritarian nation-state, the New Right seeks the mythical rebirth of an Indo-European community consisting of various regional peoples who will realise their authentic nature through ethnically purified societies governed by a federal European-wide system.
by Nicolai von Eggers
This article analyses the New Rightβs understanding of the French Revolution. Since the most prominent intellectual of the New Right, Alain de Benoist, frames βJacobinismβ as the New Rightβs main enemy, the New Right may be understood as a counter-tradition to what it understands as Jacobinism. De Benoist defines Jacobinism as an ideology that makes people essentially equal and identical by means of the state. Against this, he posits what he calls βfederalismββa project which aims at promoting and defending ethnic, cultural and other differences. We should understand this as a βfederalist fascismβ: instead of mass parties and an authoritarian nation-state, the New Right seeks the mythical rebirth of an Indo-European community consisting of various regional peoples who will realise their authentic nature through ethnically purified societies governed by a federal European-wide system.
π11β‘3
In Spain they organized a debate between a nationalist and a liberal and they look exactly how you would imagine it.
The nationalist looks healthy and strong while the liberal is some obese basement dweller.
@UneteNucleoNacional
The nationalist looks healthy and strong while the liberal is some obese basement dweller.
@UneteNucleoNacional
π87β‘29β€5
12_2_3_0.pdf
132.1 KB
The Epoch of National Socialism
by Karlheinz Weissmann
In two by-elections in the spring of 1996, the Front National (FN), the party of the radical right in France, helped several candidates of the left gain victory. In SΓ¨te, a southern seaport, a communist therefore was able to become mayor. It was in this manner that the leader of the FN, Jean-Marie Le Pen, responded to the rejection of his coalition offers by the Gaullists and the Liberals. At the same time, Le Pen tried to prove his slogan βneither right nor left, but French.β His calculation appeared to work. The FN, which was founded in 1972, has not remained a short-lived protest movement, but has stabilized and even expanded its support in recent years. Its voters no longer come only from the lower-middle class and the bourgeoisie, but also from the working class. During the local elections in June 1995, 30 percent of the workers and 25 percent of the unemployed voted for Le Penβs party. Almost 20 percent of his supporters consider themselves βleft.β
by Karlheinz Weissmann
In two by-elections in the spring of 1996, the Front National (FN), the party of the radical right in France, helped several candidates of the left gain victory. In SΓ¨te, a southern seaport, a communist therefore was able to become mayor. It was in this manner that the leader of the FN, Jean-Marie Le Pen, responded to the rejection of his coalition offers by the Gaullists and the Liberals. At the same time, Le Pen tried to prove his slogan βneither right nor left, but French.β His calculation appeared to work. The FN, which was founded in 1972, has not remained a short-lived protest movement, but has stabilized and even expanded its support in recent years. Its voters no longer come only from the lower-middle class and the bourgeoisie, but also from the working class. During the local elections in June 1995, 30 percent of the workers and 25 percent of the unemployed voted for Le Penβs party. Almost 20 percent of his supporters consider themselves βleft.β
β‘22π1
Forwarded from White Papers
"The Great Replacement and Norway"
Like many other White peoples Norwegians are rapidly being reduced to minority in their own homeland.
In 1990 Norwegians were 93.23% of their country's population, but by 2021 the Norwegian share of the population had collapsed to 75.49%.
Norwegians are already a minority in parts of Oslo, the nation's capital.
More than 1,152,000 immigrants live in Norway, a country of just 5.4 million, and this number continues to rise sharply each year.
Non-Whites born in Norway boast a crime rate 2.5 times higher than native Norwegians. While immigrants from Africa have a crime rate 3.4 times higher.
Each non-White immigrant in Norway costs the Norwegian taxpayer 4.1 million crowns (or $371,000) over the course of their lifetime.
Still, more than 730,000 immigrants are yet to acquire Norwegian citizenship, and laws are in place which could be used to reverse the Great Replacement in Norway.
Learn more about the demographic transformation of the Land of the Midnight Sun and what can be done to stop it here on our Substack:
Like many other White peoples Norwegians are rapidly being reduced to minority in their own homeland.
In 1990 Norwegians were 93.23% of their country's population, but by 2021 the Norwegian share of the population had collapsed to 75.49%.
Norwegians are already a minority in parts of Oslo, the nation's capital.
More than 1,152,000 immigrants live in Norway, a country of just 5.4 million, and this number continues to rise sharply each year.
Non-Whites born in Norway boast a crime rate 2.5 times higher than native Norwegians. While immigrants from Africa have a crime rate 3.4 times higher.
Each non-White immigrant in Norway costs the Norwegian taxpayer 4.1 million crowns (or $371,000) over the course of their lifetime.
Still, more than 730,000 immigrants are yet to acquire Norwegian citizenship, and laws are in place which could be used to reverse the Great Replacement in Norway.
Learn more about the demographic transformation of the Land of the Midnight Sun and what can be done to stop it here on our Substack:
Substack
The Great Replacement and Norway
Change and potential in the Land of the Midnight Sun
π21
Forwarded from Arktos
The Americanization of All Values: Part I
Dr. Charles William Dailey argues that immigration and assimilation cannot change an individualβs inherent identity, critiquing modern βdiversityβ efforts as destructive to the true essence of nations, which are rooted in shared genetics, culture, and tradition.
Read the essay here:
https://www.arktosjournal.com/p/the-americanization-of-all-values
Dr. Charles William Dailey argues that immigration and assimilation cannot change an individualβs inherent identity, critiquing modern βdiversityβ efforts as destructive to the true essence of nations, which are rooted in shared genetics, culture, and tradition.
Read the essay here:
https://www.arktosjournal.com/p/the-americanization-of-all-values
π―15
βOn this superior level, what unites and what divides is the idea: an idea borne by a definite elite and tending to achieve concrete form in the state. For this Fascist doctrine β that in this aspect remained faithful to the best European political tradition β gave first place to idea and state as compared to nation and people, and understood that nation and people acquire a significance and a form, and participate in a higher grade of existence, only within the state. It is precisely in periods of crisis, like the present, that it is necessary to hold firmly to this doctrine. Our true fatherland must be recognised in the idea. What counts is not coming from the same land or speaking the same language, but sharing the same idea.β
Julius Evola, Orientations
Julius Evola, Orientations
π38π3
Forwarded from Nation Europa
Presentation of βNation Europaβ conference. Part II
The Challenges We Face.
β Introduction to Challenges:
Europe stands at a critical juncture, facing a range of challenges in our pursuit of a strong and independent future. These challenges span across metapolitics, activism, regionalism, and the broader defense of European sovereignty. Central to these issues are the demographic crisis and the vital importance of biopolitics, which must take precedence over geopolitics. Our ability to confront these challengesβwhether it be the ideological dominance of left-liberalism or the existential threats from mass migration and the spread of Islamβis crucial for the survival and prosperity of European civilization.
β Metapolitics:
Metapolitics is the arena where ideas and cultural narratives are shaped, influencing the political landscape. The current left-liberal dominance has deeply infiltrated mainstream discourse, spreading narratives that undermine traditional European values. This ideological control extends to bioethics, where modern norms, driven by post-Trotskyist influences, actively work against the positive growth of native European populations. Our task is to reclaim intellectual and cultural dominance by promoting a metapolitical agenda that focuses on the revitalization of European heritage and communal solidarity.
β Activism:
Activism is the means by which our metapolitical ideas are translated into concrete actions. This includes organizing protests, engaging communities, and launching strategic media campaigns that challenge the dominant globalist narratives. The focus here should be on mobilizing support for policies that strengthen European families and cultural integrity, resisting the forces that seek to dilute them. Effective activism requires a sustained presence capable of driving real societal change.
β Regionalism
Regionalism emphasizes the preservation of Europeβs diverse cultural identities and the autonomy of its regions within a united Pan-European framework. The demographic crisis threatens this vision, weakening regions and making them vulnerable to external pressures. Our focus should be on empowering regional elites to defend these identities, ensuring that Europeβs cultural diversity thrives within a cohesive and independent Europe.
β The Struggle for Independent Europe
The overarching challenge is the struggle for an independent Europe, free from external hegemonic influences such as those from the United States and Russia. This involves resisting globalization, defending Europeβs borders, and asserting our sovereignty. The war in Ukraine exemplifies this struggle, where the fight for European independence and identity is most acute. Our goal is to unite European nationalists to ensure that Europe determines its own future without external interference, safeguarding our continent from ideological and demographic threats.
Nation Europa
The Challenges We Face.
β Introduction to Challenges:
Europe stands at a critical juncture, facing a range of challenges in our pursuit of a strong and independent future. These challenges span across metapolitics, activism, regionalism, and the broader defense of European sovereignty. Central to these issues are the demographic crisis and the vital importance of biopolitics, which must take precedence over geopolitics. Our ability to confront these challengesβwhether it be the ideological dominance of left-liberalism or the existential threats from mass migration and the spread of Islamβis crucial for the survival and prosperity of European civilization.
β Metapolitics:
Metapolitics is the arena where ideas and cultural narratives are shaped, influencing the political landscape. The current left-liberal dominance has deeply infiltrated mainstream discourse, spreading narratives that undermine traditional European values. This ideological control extends to bioethics, where modern norms, driven by post-Trotskyist influences, actively work against the positive growth of native European populations. Our task is to reclaim intellectual and cultural dominance by promoting a metapolitical agenda that focuses on the revitalization of European heritage and communal solidarity.
β Activism:
Activism is the means by which our metapolitical ideas are translated into concrete actions. This includes organizing protests, engaging communities, and launching strategic media campaigns that challenge the dominant globalist narratives. The focus here should be on mobilizing support for policies that strengthen European families and cultural integrity, resisting the forces that seek to dilute them. Effective activism requires a sustained presence capable of driving real societal change.
β Regionalism
Regionalism emphasizes the preservation of Europeβs diverse cultural identities and the autonomy of its regions within a united Pan-European framework. The demographic crisis threatens this vision, weakening regions and making them vulnerable to external pressures. Our focus should be on empowering regional elites to defend these identities, ensuring that Europeβs cultural diversity thrives within a cohesive and independent Europe.
β The Struggle for Independent Europe
The overarching challenge is the struggle for an independent Europe, free from external hegemonic influences such as those from the United States and Russia. This involves resisting globalization, defending Europeβs borders, and asserting our sovereignty. The war in Ukraine exemplifies this struggle, where the fight for European independence and identity is most acute. Our goal is to unite European nationalists to ensure that Europe determines its own future without external interference, safeguarding our continent from ideological and demographic threats.
Nation Europa
π30β€3
EUROPEAN SOCIALISM?
Which European Socialism for the Third Millennium?
Is there still a possibility of combining the exploited class with the national idea, or is the latter irremediably lost in liberalism and economic liberalism?
Should the European imperial space be on a socialist basis?
Questions to be solved and explored by those who want to enter into the contradictions of modern Capitalism and rectify it in a socialist sense.
Once again.
KULTURAEUROPA EDITORIAL TEAM
Which European Socialism for the Third Millennium?
Is there still a possibility of combining the exploited class with the national idea, or is the latter irremediably lost in liberalism and economic liberalism?
Should the European imperial space be on a socialist basis?
Questions to be solved and explored by those who want to enter into the contradictions of modern Capitalism and rectify it in a socialist sense.
Once again.
KULTURAEUROPA EDITORIAL TEAM
π₯28π4