🇸🇾 Report: Julani’s ‘New Syrian Government’: A Mask for Extremist Control and Continued massacre and assault: (1/2):

The presence of various terrorist factions inside Syria has significantly impacted the ongoing conflict, contributing to widespread violence and instability. Julani, once a prominent member of Al-Qaeda and later affiliated with ISIS, has used his position to form a so-called “New Syrian Government,” which critics argue is nothing more than a mockery of governance, designed to maintain control over the region under the guise of reform and national recovery.

The report delves into the disturbing ideology of Julani’s regime, with particular focus on the use of jihadist rhetoric in the educational system. In areas controlled by HTS, children are taught from Al-Qaeda-affiliated texts that reinforce extreme interpretations of Islam, thus ensuring the continuation of violent ideologies among the next generation. This serves not only as a means of control but also as a method of indoctrinating the population into Julani’s vision of governance, which remains firmly rooted in jihadist principles.

The terrorist factions mobilized within Syria extend beyond the borders of the country, drawing in foreign militants from across the globe. These groups include the Sunni Muhajireen Movement from Iran, the Caucasus Brigade from Russia, the Uzbek Brigade from Uzbekistan, the Turkestan Islamic Party from China, and a number of other smaller groups from various regions such as Morocco, Tajikistan, Albania, Pakistan, and Azerbaijan. These foreign brigades, including the notorious Uyghur Brigade, add to the complexity of the conflict, complicating any prospects for peace or reconciliation within Syria.

Julani’s “New Syrian Government” claims to be a step toward institutional reform, yet it seems designed to solidify his control over the region. The appointments in his government reflect a narrow and ideologically extreme circle, with a few token minority representatives, but without any meaningful effort at inclusivity. The minority populations, such as the Ismaili Shiites, continue to be marginalized under this new regime. The government’s ministers, many with ties to past militant activity, further underline the lack of genuine commitment to rebuilding Syria as a unified and democratic state.

One of the most notable contradictions in this formation is the appointment of Hind Kabawat, a former critic of HTS, to the role of Minister of Social Affairs. Kabawat had previously condemned HTS and its brutal tactics, stating that both the Assad regime and HTS were equally destructive forces in Syria. Her appointment to a high government position raises serious questions about her true stance, and whether her earlier criticisms were genuine or part of a larger strategy to gain credibility for Julani’s government among those seeking reform.

Another concerning issue is the appointment of recycled regime officials, such as Economy Minister Nidal al-Shaar and Transport Minister Yarub Badr, both of whom had served in Syria’s government before the conflict began in 2011. While al-Shaar was known to oppose Assad’s policies, he did not align himself with the opposition, and this indicates a preference for non-partisan technocrats over ideologically-driven figures. This further suggests that Julani’s government is attempting to distance itself from extremism by appealing to the international community, particularly those in the West, by installing professionals with Western credentials.

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Despite the inclusion of a few technocrats and Western-educated ministers, the influence of religious bodies within the government cannot be ignored.

Two members of the Supreme Islamic Jurisprudence Council have been appointed to key positions, including Minister of Endowments and Minister of Justice, signaling a strong religious presence in the areas of law and morality. This shows that Julani’s government still clings to its extremist foundations, despite efforts to appear more secular and pragmatic to outsiders.

The creation of new ministries, such as the Ministry of Sports and Youth, appears to be an attempt to appeal to younger generations and soften the militant image of the regime. Similarly, structural changes, such as the merging of oil, gas, and electricity ministries into a single Ministry of Energy, are portrayed as efforts to streamline governance. However, these changes seem more like cosmetic adjustments rather than substantive reforms aimed at improving the lives of ordinary Syrians.

One of the most concerning appointments is that of Anas al-Khattab, a former intelligence chief who has been linked to Al-Qaeda by the United Nations. As Minister of the Interior, it remains unclear whether al-Khattab will retain influence over Syria’s intelligence operations or whether a new figure will take over his duties. This appointment highlights the extent to which Julani’s government remains beholden to extremist elements, despite its claims of reform.

Overall, the formation of this “New Syrian Government” is little more than a facade designed to maintain the hold of HTS and its allies over parts of Syria. It masks militant control with the language of statehood and offers no real hope for the Syrian people who have suffered under years of war, displacement, and violence. With the continued presence of foreign militants and extremist ideology at the core of this regime, it is unlikely that Syria will see any meaningful recovery or progress toward peace in the foreseeable future.

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🇵🇸 Report: Results of a Survey Conducted by the “Echo Social” Digital Rights Center:

• 80% of journalists in the Gaza Strip who participated in the survey were directly targeted by the Israeli occupation while performing their press duties, with 87.5% of these attacks occurring during field coverage.
• 68.8% received death threats, while 50% faced threats of arrest.
• 25% were targeted in their homes, and 18.8% at the headquarters of their media institutions.
• 70% of journalists have been subjected to online harassment and misleading accusations.
• 55% were targets of digital incitement campaigns that encouraged violence against them.
• 26.3% received threats via phone calls, while 21.1% were threatened on social media.
• 90% of the media institutions employing these journalists were either directly targeted or threatened.
• 68.8% confirmed that targeting impacted their ability to cover events.

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🇸🇾 Report: Julani’s Terror Belts Continuing Massacre of Innocent Masses Across Syria Without Outrage: (1/2):

In the past ten days, the massacres have not stopped, and they continue to unfold across Syria with no end in sight. The ongoing violence and brutal killings have escalated under the influence of militants affiliated with Julani’s terror groups. The situation is dire, with missing persons reports coming in from different parts of the country. One such case involves Asma Lana Ahmed, a 16-year-old girl who was last seen between 4:00 and 4:30 PM near the Awqaf Project, opposite the Arab Writers’ Union and close to Lubna Salon. Her whereabouts remain unknown, and she has disappeared without a trace. Another case involves Umm Sumer Daadaa, a woman from Al-Safraqiya village, who left her home on the morning of March 25, 2025, to collect her retirement salary from Jableh. She was last seen wearing black clothing, and although she made contact after arriving in Jableh, she has not been heard from since and is now considered missing.

In Homs, the body of Yahya Mutee Zidane was discovered on March 25, weeks after he was taken from his home in the Karm Shamsham neighborhood of Homs on March 7 by HTS-affiliated militants. Zidane, a member of the Alawite sect, became yet another victim of sectarian violence in Syria, which continues to target minority groups in the country. In Aleppo, the situation has worsened, with over 12 cases of kidnappings and killings reported in the last week alone. Among the missing persons are Lynn, Azhar Al-Obaidi, Ra Kassar, and Abdul Rahman Al-Hakim – their fates remain unknown. Ms. Ezdihar, who was found alive after being kidnapped, physically abused, and dumped at Al-Salihin Cemetery, adds to the growing list of victims. Hevin Mahmoud Daoud went missing on March 26 after heading to her institute near the Al-Rahman Mosque in the New Syriac area. Ibrahim Sheikh Nasser disappeared after evening prayers in the Al-Mashhad neighborhood. Amir & Muhannad Salem Matar have been missing for over 15 days after being kidnapped in Aleppo. Rawaa Al-Ahmad Al-Mustafa was last seen at 10 AM in Al-Shaar heading to “Ahla Bel Dayaa” before her phone was disconnected.

The killings in Aleppo have also escalated. Ahmed Naasani, former president of the Al-Ittihad Club fans association, was killed by unidentified assailants. Engineer Hussam Aweera was murdered in his home, and his wife critically injured. Ahmed Sourani was shot dead in Masaken Hanano, and his brother Kamel Sourani was injured, along with a taxi driver. The attackers escaped on a motorcycle. In Damascus, militants affiliated with HTS abducted Tamim Ali Rustam, 65, and his son Ali Rustam, 25, from the Al-Qadam neighborhood. Their whereabouts are still unknown. This is part of a rising trend of sectarian targeting, with local reports indicating that at least 20 other Alawite individuals have been abducted. Relatives have urged authorities to intervene and disclose their whereabouts.

In Bustan Al-Hamam, rural Baniyas, Mohammad Izzat Shiha was shot and killed by gunmen affiliated with the so-called “General Security” forces. Witnesses reported that several young men were severely beaten, and gunmen fired indiscriminately to terrorize the local population before withdrawing from the area. In the village of Al-Dhahabia, a young man named Ahmed Al-Youssef was shot and killed at his doorstep by assailants who asked him to fill their pickup truck’s gas tank. The attack occurred in front of his mother, who witnessed the brutal killing. Ahmed had been working at a small gas and diesel stand to support his family. In Al-Bab, a young man was shot dead by members of the General Security forces in the city market. This follows reports of clashes in the area, adding to the mounting violence and insecurity in the region.

A video has emerged showing a kidnapped man pleading for his life, stating that he will be killed unless his captors’ ransom demands are met. This is yet another example of the growing trend of kidnapping for ransom in the region.

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In Homs, a group of young men has been kidnapped for ransom. One victim, Omar Nashar, is seen in a video with visible bruises and marks across his chest, indicating he has been tortured by his captors. In Hineh village, Mount Hermon, two masked gunmen on a motorcycle opened fire on civilians standing outside a butcher shop. The victims, Louis Azar (the butcher shop owner), Johnny Bshara Hilaneh, Elie Haitham Hilaneh, and Michel Ayman Bshara, were injured. Fortunately, no fatalities have been confirmed. In Tartous, Ezzat Nafez Raslan, from the village of Jneinet Raslan in Al-Dreikish, went missing at 10:00 AM while driving in the Karto–Al-Hish–Autostrad area. His body was later found at Talkalakh Hospital.

In Tartous, two members of the HTS-affiliated General Security forces, Hussam Khaled Al-Ghabr and Abdul Latif Abdul Salam, were killed in a drive-by ambush. The two officers, originally from Idlib, were the victims of this attack. In Al-Qadam, images have surfaced showing four civilians detained by HTS-affiliated “General Security” units and later found dead. Among the victims was Tamim Rustum, a retired mathematics teacher. This incident adds to the growing number of arbitrary arrests and extrajudicial killings being carried out under the pretext of sectarian profiling and alleged affiliations with the regime.

The terror belts continue to spread violence and fear across Syria, with countless innocent civilians falling victim to the brutality of militias and extremist groups, including HTS. The international community remains silent as this campaign of terror, kidnapping, and sectarian killing continues unabated.

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