The piece shows that early Fascism actually included a disproportionately high number of Jews in its ranks and leadership. Mussolini’s critique of Zionism dated back to the early 1920s, where he portrayed it as an “anti-patriotic” instrument of British imperialism that disrupted the existing balance in Palestine and served London’s colonial interests at the expense of local Arabs and Italian ambitions in the region.

It covers Mussolini’s long-standing rejection of the Balfour Declaration and League of Nations mandates, the regime’s brief tactical flirtation with Revisionist Zionists (such as supporting the Betar Naval Academy in the mid-1930s), and its later concrete support for the Palestinian Arab Revolt (1936–1939), including financial aid to the Grand Mufti. Fascist anti-Zionism was consistent with a broader anti-colonial nationalist worldview aimed at undermining British power in the Middle East.

https://fascio.substack.com/p/the-anti-zionism-of-italian-fascism

From Hitler’s earliest 1920 speeches onward, National Socialism rejected Zionism as a fundamental threat. This essay examines how Nazi Germany viewed a Jewish state in Palestine not as a solution to the ‘Jewish question,’ but as an expression of unassimilable racial separatism and a tool of British imperialism — an opposition inseparable from its core anti-Semitic ideology.

https://fascio.substack.com/p/the-anti-zionism-of-nazi-germany

Long before the 20th century, sections of the socialist movement were already grappling with what they called the “Jewish Question.” From Marx and Proudhon to the populist and labor movements of Europe, anti-Semitic themes often emerged from the anti-capitalist left.

https://fascio.substack.com/p/early-anti-semitic-socialism-the

Is Dugin’s Fourth Political Theory truly a radical break from the Third Position, or just a selective rebrand of Conservative Revolutionary thought? I dissect his misreadings of National Socialism, Gentile’s Actual Idealism, and Fascist corporatism, exposing how 4PT quietly absorbs (while critiquing) the very anti-liberal, volk-centered impulses it claims to transcend. From Evola’s organic critique to Strasser’s anti-statist edge, this is a deep dive into the ironies and overlaps.

https://fascio.substack.com/p/critiquing-alexander-dugins-4pt

Jimmy Dore is Federposting again

Apparently Dugin and Constantine are responding to me.

I don’t agree with everything they say, but I do endorse this organization.

https://t.iss.one/onefutureorganization

The term “totalitarianism” is often treated as a neutral description of political systems. In reality, its origins are far more complex. This article traces the history of the concept from its emergence in interwar Italy, through its adoption by both supporters and critics of Fascism, to its transformation into a Cold War ideological weapon used to equate radically different political systems.

Read here:
https://fascio.substack.com/p/the-origin-of-totalitarianism

Giovanni Gentile’s interpretation of the young Marx’s dialectical materialism didn’t lead to international proletarian revolution. It led to the Fascist state as the concrete national community where the individual realizes their social essence through praxis. A look at how one of the most unorthodox readings of Marx became foundational to Fascist philosophy.

https://fascio.substack.com/p/the-heretical-marxism-of-fascism

In 1932, Ugo Spirito proposed turning Fascist corporations into genuine worker-and-manager-owned enterprises, transferring ownership from absentee shareholders to the actual producers. A radical vision rooted in actualism that even Bottai rejected as going “outside corporatism.”

https://fascio.substack.com/p/ugo-spiritos-radical-corporatism

Otto Wagener’s Social Economy

In his post-war memoir Hitler: Memoirs of a Confidant he preserved the detailed program he had developed and discussed with Hitler in the early 1930s.
Wagener’s “social economy” (soziale Wirtschaft) was a corporatist model intended to keep capital tied to active production and the Volksgemeinschaft. His proposals included periodic mechanisms for transferring capital stakes to loyal workers within the enterprise, profit-sharing limited to active contributors, and the organization of production through occupational guilds under the leadership principle. This article reconstructs Wagener’s framework from the primary sources and examines its place in the economic and ideological debates within the NSDAP before 1933.

Read the full piece: https://open.substack.com/pub/fascio/p/otto-wageners-social-economy?r=16o4tj&utm_medium=ios

Mussolini credited him as his philosopher, yet some Fascists savagely attacked the “philosopher of Fascism” as liberal pedantry. Anti-modernists, realists, and Catholic hardliners fought for a different soul of the regime. Fascism was never monolithic, the internal wars prove it.

Link: https://fascio.substack.com/p/the-fascists-against-giovanni-gentile

Gottfried Feder didn’t just influence National Socialism, he built its entire economic ideology. From the Manifesto for the Abolition of Interest-Slavery to the 25-Point Program, and the unyielding fight against usury: the real, unaltered foundations that survived even after 1933.

Link: https://fascio.substack.com/p/economic-foundations-of-national