Since 1990, the bottom 50% of the world population has been responsible for only 16% of all emissions growth, whereas the top 1% has been responsible for 23% of the total. While per-capita emissions of the global top 1% increased since 1990, emissions from low- and middle-income groups within rich countries declined.

From Global carbon inequality over 1990–2019

Driven by the desire for exotic travel experiences and an increasing reliance on aviation and luxury amenities, affluence has turned tourism into a carbon-inten- sive consumption category. Global demand for tourism is outstrip- ping the decarbonization of tourism operations, and, as a result, is accelerating global carbon emissions. At the same time, at least 15% of global tourism-related emissions are currently under no binding reduction target as emissions of international aviation and bunker shipping are excluded from the Paris Agreement. In addition, the United States, the most significant source of tourism emissions, does not support the Agreement.

From: The carbon footprint of global tourism

Originally dubbed “surplus killing” (Kruuk 1972), this phenomenon has also been called “excessive killing” (Carbyn 1983). A fine distinction between the terms has been proposed (Miller et al. 1985), but it is arguable whether this distinction has any relevance. In both cases, wolves kill more than they can immediately consume. However, if sufficient time passes without scavengers finishing off the carcasses, wolves do return and feed on what researchers originally regarded as surplus or excessive (Mech et al. 1998, 2001). Banfield (1954, 49) perceived this behavior more than a half-century ago when he wrote that “what may appear to be excessive killing by wolves seldom goes unutilized in the long run.” The fact is that wolves are programmed to kill and eat whenever they can because generally it requires considerable time, energy, and risk most of the time to do so.

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